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    Seth Greenland

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The Nation

How to Sound Smart This Week: Super Tuesday Edition

Izzy Grinspan
 

Quick! Pick one!: Obama and ClintonQuick! Pick one!: Obama and ClintonNo time to read The New Yorker, The Atlantic Monthly, the Sunday New York Times, Harpers, The Nation, The New Republic, and New York Magazine during your morning commute? Don’t worry – "How To Sound Smart This Week" will provide the Cliff's Notes.

With Super Tuesday rapidly approaching, chances are good that you’ll have to talk politics this week. For the Democratically inclined, it used to be really easy to bluff your way into a political discussion: express warm feelings towards John Edwards, thereby throwing the Hilary vs. Obama binary into a tailspin. Unfortunately, Edwards dropped out of the campaign, so now you have to pick a side. Even if you don’t know your own mind, though, plenty of major news publications seem to know if for you, especially if you’re a lady.

In this week’s New York Times Magazine, Linda Hirshman looks at the conventional wisdom that women will vote for Hilary. There’s a lot to discuss here, like the frustrating fact that women are way less informed than men about politics. A recent poll suggests that this is because there are so many more male journalists and politicians. When women can’t find anyone to identify with, they lose interest -- whereas in elections with female candidates, they’re more likely to get involved. If you don’t mind heated debate, this is a pretty excellent topic of conversation. Is it reasonable to check out when you’re not included in the conversation? Or is that a cop-out?

According to Newsweek, it’s simply how the brain works. An article on the neuroscience behind voting points out that our gut instinct propel us to vote for people who are like us – e.g. women for Hilary – but adds that identification is highly fluid. It mentions an oft-cited study in which Asian girls who were reminded of their gender before a math test scored poorly, but those reminded of their ethnicity scored well. In other words, we tend to act according to the stereotypes the world has about us. Which suggests, in turn (as you might point out) that women are less enthusiastic about politics because they’re not expected to be – a vicious cycle, sure, but definitely a cycle that can be broken.

Meanwhile, over at The Nation, veteran feminist Katha Pollitt casts her support behind Obama. Pollitt is the definition of an informed voter, but the argument she makes is entirely emotional: “Let's go with the candidate voters feel some passion about."

Lastly, if the conversation turns into a swamp of pure political ambivalence, bring up today’s Salon essay by Rebecca Traister. No factoids or chewed-over science here – just pure commiseration with voters who still haven't managed to pick a side.

Last week: The sub-prime meltdown


 
THE CABAL

The Homeland Security Campus

Stefan Beck

The Nation is worried about the rise of the “homeland security campus”:

From Harvard to UCLA, the ivory tower is fast becoming the latest watchtower in Fortress America. The terror warriors, having turned their attention to “violent radicalization and homegrown terrorism prevention”—as it was recently dubbed in a House of Representatives bill of the same name—have set out to reconquer that traditional hotbed of radicalization, the university.

Usually this sort of paranoia—the Nation’s, not the government’s—is nothing more than a fun and harmless way for student groups to feel more influential, I daresay threatening, than they really are. The belief that his views are important enough to repress is as indispensable to the campus activist as his Pink Floyd poster and well-thumbed copy of Manufacturing Consent.

The times must be a-changing, though, because the measures the article describes really do sound draconian, if not outright illegal. The University of Florida taser incident, which is mentioned in the article, is emblematic of the triumph of “procedure” over restraint and common sense. (Not to mention that there’s something both pathetic and sinister about a politician who keeps droning on while a twenty-one-year-old showboat is electrocuted in front of him. If you listen hard enough, you can almost hear him asking “Is it safe?” over and over again.)

These developments are worth keeping our own watchful eyes on, but it’s also worth bearing in mind that sometimes the government has a point.


THE CABAL

W-2s Are a Force That Gives Us Meaning

Michael Weiss

The Nation carries a sort-of cute envisioning of what the conversation would sound like between Norman Podhoretz and Daniel Pipes -- both advisers to Rudy -- the day after their man took the White House. (The soundbites are real, cobbled together from a macedoine of sources.) But I think the real parody in the pages of the magazine comes courtesy of Chris Hedges. Taking a breather from his perpetual "Is it fascism yet?" all-points-bulletin, he's clapped out an hilarious editorial saying that... well, here, let him tell it:

I will not pay my income tax if we go to war with Iran. I realize this is a desperate and perhaps futile gesture.

[...]

I will put the taxes I owe in an escrow account. I will go to court to challenge the legality of the war. Maybe a courageous judge will rule that the Constitution has been usurped and the government is guilty of what the postwar Nuremberg tribunal defined as a criminal war of aggression. Maybe not. I do not know.

I'd sell my pinky toe to get an inside peek at Hedges' place the day the IRS comes to repo. ("Not the butter sculpture of Reinhold Niebuhr!")

The ellipsis above accounts for various doomsday scenarios Hedges projects in the event a few subterranean facilities in Natanz are collapsed. All the old silly lefty tropes are on display here, from the very title of the piece, "Hands Off Iran." Technically, the GBU-28 bunker-buster is capable of a precision and dexterity a shade higher than manual. Also, for a journalist who has made a career reporting about the nature and dynamics of warfare, Hedges is a mite vague on what the "imminent" U.S. confrontation with Iran will look like: will there be decapitation of government, a full-scale occupation, what? It's more fun and makes for brisker copy to be all about blowback. But I wonder, would Hedges be so kind as to advocate the same policy of non-intervention for Iran's Revolutionary Guard and its murderous proxies in Iraq? "Hands off Mosul" would be a nice complementary op-ed, while we're on the subject of "fallout" and "regional conflagrations."

I have a favorite line from this one, however:

Let us hope sanity prevails. But sanity is a rare commodity in a White House that has twisted Trotsky's concept of permanent revolution into a policy of permanent war with nefarious aims--to intimidate and destroy all those classified as foreign opponents, to create permanent instability and fear and to strip citizens of their constitutional rights.

The nice thing about dropping allusions to things you haven't read is that there's always the chance other people haven't read them, either. Sadly, Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution -- twisted or pin-straight -- has no resonance with regime change in Iraq, Iran, or elsewhere, and for reasons the Nation should have tasked Ronald Aronson to explain to Hedges.

According to our author, evangelical Christians are fascists, Bush is a retarded Lev Davidovitch, and all that can save our disintegrating Republic is a new round of Nuremberg trials.

I, too, hear America singing, Chris. The song's just not nearly as interesting as all that.


DAILY SHVITZ

Nicholas von Hoffmann and The Lobby -- The Armenian One

Michael Weiss

Nicholas von Hoffman will probably go to his grave still known as the journalist who predicted in 2001 a complete rout in Afghanistan -- by the Taliban. To borrow Trotsky's animadversion on Dwight Macdonald, everyone has the right to be stupid, but von Hoffman abuses the privilege.

His latest Nation column, "Whose Genocide Counts?", is more like a sub-literate raspberry directed at the congressmen of the House Foreign Affairs Committee who yesterday voted to recognize the Armenian Genocide:

What's next? A resolution condemning Napoleon's invasion of Egypt and the slaughter visited on the Egyptians at the Battle of the Pyramids? And how about a little legislative attention for the Romans killed by Hannibal at the Battle of Cannae in 216 BC. Better look into that one, too, guys.

Do you think that the House Foreign Affairs Committee might, after it has righted any number of ancient wrongs, look into what the Sam Hill is going on now? This very committee has a direct responsibility for the death of 600,000 Iraqis and the flight of some 2 million more from their homes. Does that bear a little looking into? While they are putting the genocide label on others, would the gentlemen and gentleladies of the committee consider putting some sort of label on themselves?

More interesting questions: Does France today make it a crime to acknowledge or publish works about Napoleon's invasion of Egypt? Is there a massive state-funded project underway attempting to get classicists to airbrush Hannibal's depredations from the historical record?

Since von Hoffman segues so effortlessly from Bonaparte to Baghdad, it's worth pointing out that the Left's favorite Mideast historian is Juan Cole, lately the author of Napoleon's Egypt: Invading the Middle East, which parlays the French general's 19th century adventurism into a cautionary tale about U.S. efforts in Iraq.

And what of those efforts? According to the above, the same committee that now censures the vanished Ottoman Empire bears a "direct responsibility for the death of 600,000 Iraqis and the flight of some 2 million more." If only Al Qaeda or the Mahdi Army had thundered and grumbled about the Tehcir Law, then perhaps The Nation might lay some direct responsibility at their feet!

Of course, we're now told of another dread "lobby" that has wielded its undue influence to get cynical congressmen to alienate Turkey: "Many persons of Armenian extraction live in vote-rich California," writes von Hoffman, "which explains why these politicians have flung themselves into the study of bygone events. Once again the pander bear stalks the land."

There are exactly 10 California representatives on the committee, and the resolution was passed 27-21, leaving the other 17 either big fans of System of a Down or hostages to conscience.

And consider von Hoffman's citation of Committee chairman Tom Lantos, who:

hit it on the head when he said, "We have to weigh the desire to express our solidarity with the Armenian people...against the risk that it could cause young men and women in the uniform of the United States armed services to pay an even heavier price."

Von Hoffman is concerned for the U.S. troops fighting, in an all-volunteer military, a war commissioned by the very politicos said to be directly responsible for a human catastrophe. Left to the imagination is what von Hoffman thinks of the responsibility borne by those troops he suddenly can't bear to see put in harm's way for so many dead and displaced Iraqis. But the moral logic here is as simple as it is bankrupt: Turkey might now assault our soldiers and this is all the fault of rich Armenians and incumbents! Von Hoffman could teach Bashar al-Assad's correspondence course in propaganda.

Just out of curiosity, and because a Turkish invasion of Kurdistan seems imminent, what responsibility would the rogue Kemalist military bear for killing Kurds under the pretext of hunting the PKK? What responsibility does Abdullah Gul bear for imprisoning the son of murdered journalist Hrant Drink for the crime of re-publishing his father's articles about the Armenian Genocide?

Looks like Armenian-Jewish solidarity is stronger than ever. We've both got evil, heaving lobbies in Washington responsible for all the trouble in the world.


DAILY SHVITZ

Jews Without Money, Radicals Without Royalties

Michael Weiss

Alan WaldIt was on a trip a few years ago to that mecca of petit bourgeois decadence, Las Vegas, that I devoured Alan Wald's The New York Intellectuals: The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left.  This book is now widely considered the definitive text on the various trotskisant movements (or "groupuscules") that peppered the Gotham cityscape in the twenties and thirties. Mostly Jewish, with as much a tropism for literature as for politics, these sons and daughters of immigrants started out as revolutionaries and wound up anti-Communists, either of a liberal or conservative stripe. (Wald deftly showed that the was as nerve-racking as it was satisfying, especially for latterday patrons of the establishment who traffick in selective memories about the old days and bygone struggles, who took what position when, who did what to whom.) 

A number of these complicated and dynamic figures are now forgotten: If Herbert Solow can't earn a place at the table for being the leading American Trotskyist before World War II, then he at least deserves recognition as the man who helped nurture the critical talents of one Lionel Trilling. Others are famous for their continuing influence (Norman Podhoretz is an advisor to Rudy Giuliani) and their semi-permanent positions on the mastheads of great, or once-great, journals of opinion like Partisan Review, Encounter, Commentary and Dissent. On the whole, they're all defined more according to their ex-identities, those idealistic and embarrassing vestiges of a radical past which they've spent the second and third acts of their distinctively American lives repudiating. As Irving Kristol once put it, "As long as I can remember, I've been a 'neo' something. I was a neo-Marxist, a neo-Trotskyist, a neocon. Eventually I'll just be a 'neo.'"

Wald has since altered his focus to account for some of the lesser -- or at least less acknowledged -- revolutionaries of yesterday who left us enduring ruins and monuments of their time. Most of these were Stalinists, strict CP men who wrote forgettably because in the eyes of the Party, they were themselves forgettable: mere individuals being ground through the cogs of history.

Installment one began in 2002 with Exiles From a Future Time: The Forging of the Mid-Twentieth-Century Literary Left. Now Wald has published the follow-up volume, Trinity of Passion: The Literary Left and the Antifascist Crusade, which is well-reviewed by J. Hoberman in The Nation:

Exiles's major tour de force is the chapter "Inventing Mike Gold," a startling rehabilitation of the Communist Party's leading literary hack (and hatchet man), remembered today largely for his contribution to the mythology of the Lower East Side, Jews Without Money (1930), one of the few proletarian novels to earn a spot in the academic canon. Wald downplays Gold's greatest hit to present him as a lapsed romantic Modernist, linking him to Walt Whitman and even the Beats. (One of the book's more fascinating secondary narratives recounts the way Whitman, the American poet most admired by leftists, was transformed into a Popular Front icon. In Gold's 1935 "Ode to Walt Whitman," Wald notes, the poet "is likened to a reborn Christ, to the spirit of communism, to nature, and to Bolshevism...serv[ing] as the multipurpose icon of Gold's multiethnic cultural mosaic.")

Wald by no means ignores Gold's work. Still, cognizant of (if not necessarily endorsing) Kempton's contempt for talent sacrificed on the altar of social revolution, he is almost always more interested in the drama of lives than those of literature, mapping a "humanscape" populated by writers committed to political commitment. Thus, Exiles's cover features Gold in action, addressing a 1930 May Day rally. The denizens of Waldsville are often quite colorful. Exiles featured such rare birds as the forgotten Woody Guthrie analogue Donald Lee West, as well as Communist poet Joy Davidman, who was married to "radical folksinger" William Lindsay Gresham before she decamped to England to change the life of C.S. Lewis. Trinity, which is more concerned with prose than poetry, devotes half a chapter to Lauren Gilfillan, whose precocious (and once-celebrated) nonfiction novel--a firsthand account of the Great Coal Strike of 1931 called I Went to Pit College--although more straightforward (and ironic), prefigures by several years the art reportage of the James Agee-Walker Evans classic Let Us Now Praise Famous Men.

It might interest you to know that Azar Nafisi, author of Reading Lolita in Tehran, wrote her graduate thesis on Gold, further fueling speculation about her intellectual kinship with Paul Wolfowitz and the left-to-right school of U.S. foreign policy.

It might also interest you to know that Gold actually was not so cut-and-dry an apparatchik as he's made out to be here.

After a notorious Leavisite dust-up with Thornton Wilder -- whose ecclesiastic death-wish unsettled plenty of non-Reds, too -- about the shaky relationship between art and ideology, Gold wrote a vigorous defense in The New Republic of Jews Without Money, which, admittedly, was a journeyman's attempt at what James T. Farrell would later accomplish with his brilliant Studs Lonigan trilogy, the Irish-American working class epic of the forties. Gold’s book, in an interesting turn of events, had been attacked from the left by Melvin Levy, in full prolier-than-thou mode for what Levy saw as too minimalist a depiction of alienated factory life in New York. 

Gold responded, “It is difficult to write proletarian literature in this country because all the critics are bourgeois. If a Thornton Wilder writes books in praise of the Catholic theology, or if a Robinson Jeffers preaches universal pessimism and mass-suicide, that is art. But if a revolutionary writer, even by implication, shows the social ideas that are stirring in the heart of the working class, he is called a propagandist. [Let] us not fear to be crude or propagandistic. We are going somewhere. The rest of literature is sinking into the arms of Catholicism, and death.”

George Orwell, surveying the wreckage of T.S. Eliot's talent twenty or so years after the publication of "The Waste Land," noted that “It would be putting it too crudely to say that every poet in our time must either die young, enter the Catholic Church, or join the Communist Party, but in fact the escape from the consciousness of futility is along those general lines.”

And no less of a critic than Edmund Wilson commented on the Gold-Levy affair that "it has now become plain that the economic crisis is to be accompanied by a literary one.” What Wilson saw in proletarian literature -- John Dos Passos representing the highwater mark -- was that it was the only of several utopias hitched to the stream train of the future rather than to the wagons of the past:

Most Americans of the type of Dos Passos and Eliot—that is, sensitive and widely read literary people—have some such agreeable fantasy in which they can allow their minds to take refuge from the perplexities and oppressions about them. In the case of H.L. Mencken, it is a sort of German university town, where people drink a great deal of beer and devour a great many books, and where they respect the local nobility—if only the Germany of the Empire had not been destroyed by war! In the case of certain American writers from the top layer of the old South, it is the old-fashioned Southern plantation, where men are high-spirited and punctilious and women gracious and lovely, where affectionate and loyal Negroes are happy to keep in their place—if only the feudal South had not perished in 1865! With Ezra Pound, it is a medieval Provence, where poor but accomplished troubadours enjoy the favors of noble ladies—if only the troubadours were not deader than Provencal! With Dos Passos, it is an army of workers, disinterested, industrious and sturdy, but full of the good-fellowship and gaiety in which the Webster Hall balls nowadays are usually so dismally lacking—if only the American workers were not preoccupied with buying Ford cars and radios, instead of organizing themselves to overthrow the civilization of the bourgeoisie! And in T.S. Eliot’s case, it is a world of seventeenth-century churchmen, who combine the most scrupulous conscience with the ability to write good prose—if it were only not so difficult nowadays for men who are capable of becoming good writers to accept the Apostolic Succession!


DAILY SHVITZ

Did Jewcy Tell Arthur Waskow to Keep Quiet About the War?

Michael Weiss

Every so often, the Jewcy editors and a few beloved contributors carry on a deranged email correspondence. Some of these eventually wend their sinuous way into the lead space as gussied up features or dialogues. Sometimes we discuss other people's articles and how a) we should have scooped them, b) we should get them to write for us, c) we should ask for reprint rights.

The following is more along the lines of c), but one comment in Arthur Waskow's Nation piece, "Why the Silence?", about the muted Jewish antiwar movement, struck us as worthy of its own thread. Was Waskow talking about Jewcy in his reference to an "online Jewish magazine" that impolitely asked him to keep mums on the Iraq war?

On Sep 21, 2007, at 2:28 PM, Eli Valley wrote:

Curious -- any guesses as to which "Jewish online magazine" Waskow is referring to? Are there any besides Jewcy that call themselves "online magazines"? Jewsweek.com doesn't seem too update much.

"And in my e-mail I receive, from the editor of a Jewish online magazine, her response to my submission of an article she had commissioned me to write. She had asked me to address what the High Holy Days might say about America's predilection for violence, at home and overseas. But now she demands that I revise my article: "I can't have an article taking sides in the Iraqi conflict." (I refused to revise it.)"


On 9/21/07, Michael Weiss wrote:

Not only did the Nation email me to offer us reprint rights for that piece, but they love my crazy neocon ways.

It's not us, though. Waskow's only dealt with Joe, and out of all of us, Izzy would be the last person to tell him to shy away from criticizing the war, don't-cha-think?

On 9/21/07, Izzy Grinspan wrote:

Yeah, definitely wasn't me. Not only wouldn't I have a problem with criticizing the (misguided) war, but can you imagine Jewcy asking someone not to take sides?

On 9/21/07, Eli Valley wrote:

I agree -- of all places, Jewcy would be the place that would print any view on the war. So then what's he referring to? A blog maybe?

On 9/21/07, Joey Kurtzman wrote:

Michael mentioned it to me the other day, I didn't think much of it, I just figured it was some bullshit Jewish site out there. But you know what, I actually think there's a chance he's talking about me. If so, he'd have to be pretty confused, but here's what he'd be referring to:

The Waskow/Bronstein dialogue was conducted during Jewcy's pre-launch phase, during Israel's quasi-war with Hizbollah. Waskow opened his first e-mail with a protracted ramble about the events of the previous day, I think an IDF bombardment of West Beirut. Then he got started on the e-mail proper. In one of his later e-mails he denounced the Iraq War and explained that it's important to love peace, or some such insight from the Prophetic tradition. When we finally ran the dialogue several months later, I kept in his stuff about Iraq, which was obviously still ongoing, but cut the months-old news report about the long-finished Lebanon conflict.

When I showed him the edits and asked whether there were any that he found intolerable. I had edited the shit out of some of his kaballah-influenced theological stuff, because it was, well, literally esoteric (Hey, that's neat) and ridiculous for a general publication. So I was expecting a fight over that. But instead he wrote back and said it was fine, but that he resented that I'd removed some of his comments about the Iraq war. I wrote back and said that I hadn't removed any comments about the Iraq war, only the stuff about Lebanon and only because it was dated. (You know what, I actually really do think he's talking about me.) He replied something right along the lines of "oh, okay, got it."

So there was no editing out of anything about Iraq, and of course no demand that he not write about Iraq. But the guy's getting old, and he's a self-styled teller-of-dangerous-truths, so maybe he's just rejiggering what happened so that it fits into his self-narrative.

Where would he get "she" from...maybe for the same reason Deepthroat was a chainsmoker but Mark Felt wasn't? Or he didn't remember my sex and "she" is his default pronoun? Or maybe he just assumed I was a she-male?

On 9/21/07, Joey Kurtzman wrote:

Check all that, just read his article, he's clearly not talking about me. I liked the idea of it, though, because the whole thing fit into my self-narrative as someone who catches people fitting events into their self-narratives.

On 9/21/07, Joey Kurtzman wrote:

I remember the time Arthur Waskow lied about my having refused to let him right about the Iraq war. God, that was fucking outrageous. Have I ever told you that story?

On 9/21/07, Joey Kurtzman wrote:

God, that was fucking performance art right there. People don't understand the idea of impromptu performance art, but I see openings for it everywhere. Okay, no more.

On 9/21/07, Eli Valley wrote:

More!!!

On 9/21/07, Eli Valley wrote:

...And for what it's worth, I've assumed you were a she-male since day one. You're not?


DAILY SHVITZ

If You Wait Long Enough...

Michael Weiss
Anticapitalist revolutions are fueled more by dictatorships than by poverty. In Venezuela there was no dictatorship, and poverty was not key to Chávez's ascent. Every revolution imposes austerity, and this is something to which Venezuelans on the right and left remain immune. Venezuela is not an industrial capitalist state but rather one of export and consumerism. Chávez is strengthening the economic role of the state, redistributing oil income and forming new economic elites, all mixed with doses of populism, corruption and business opportunities. All this is new--but it is not revolution and it is not socialism.

What fire-breathing neoconservative thus spake?

Joaquin Villalobos, top commander and strategist of the leftist FMLN in El Salvador. Reprinted in The Nation.


DAILY SHVITZ

Ackerman in Baghdad

Michael Weiss

Jewcy Movable Sniper Spencer Ackerman -- he of the skull-fucking Zarqawi TNR termination -- has a valuable piece of foreign correspondence from Baghdad in this week's Nation, about the difficulty of training an Iraqi police force that is either infilitrated by Shia sectarians, or perceived by everyone to be. Of course, this being The Nation, Ackerman's relatively calm reporting, citing both successes and drawbacks attached to the surge, falls under a headline as dubious as "Training Iraq's Death Squads." So do read the whole megilla. Money quote:

However tense, the company has seen many good days since the surge began. In February Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki began his contribution to the surge, known as Fardh al-Qanoon, or "Enforcing the Law." It has made Baghdad a city of endless checkpoints and roadblocks manned by Iraqi police and army units. To reduce the danger from car bombs, the security forces have made driving through the city as difficult as possible. In Khadimiya, there are more checkpoints than there are heavy concrete barriers, leading Iraqi police to limit mobility on the streets with air conditioners and engine blocks.

Baghdadis are so desperate for security that many seem willing to endure higher US visibility as its price--within limits. Around ten of Baghdad's more violent neighborhoods, US troops are constructing massive concrete walls along sectarian fault lines, suggesting to many Iraqis that the United States and its proxies are seeking to redraw the city's map for their own benefit. After I left, Adhimiya, the last Sunni bastion east of the Tigris, was home to a massive protest that, ironically, united Sunnis and Shiites against America's so-called "gated communities."

 


DAILY SHVITZ

Novick Defends Finkelstein

Michael Weiss

I'll concede this to my sparring partners in the last post I wrote about Norman Finkelstein. "Settles the case" was a silly locution on my part; a bad pun referring only to the odious personality that I think Alan Dershowitz was right to call out in his Wall Street Journal editorial. That said, Finkelstein's "case" as a scholar is by no means decided.

While I still have no love for Hezbollah's second favorite American academic, Dershowitz's sustained campaign to interfere with his tenure adjudication go beyond the limits of professionalism or propriety, at least according to those whose opinion I respect. As I do tend to kept a record of evidence against interest in feuds of this nature, I was surprised to learn from this Nation piece that:

Among the numerous comments on the case, the most thoughtful come from University of Chicago historian Peter Novick, who has written the definitive book on the history of US Holocaust commemoration (see my "Holocaust Creationism," July 12, 1999). He's been a sharp critic of Finkelstein's writing, declaring that many of the assertions in Finkelstein's The Holocaust Industry are "pure invention" and calling the book "a twenty-first century updating of 'The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.'" But Novick objects to the way Dershowitz portrayed him--as an ally in the campaign to block Finkelstein's tenure.

At Dershowitz's suggestion, the political science chair asked Novick for "the clearest and most egregious instances" of Finkelstein's malfeasance. Novick replied that while inviting outside opinions on a candidate for tenure was common, soliciting "the dirt" was totally improper, and he wouldn't satisfy such a request. Novick then published key parts of his letter in The Chronicle to publicly disassociate himself from Dershowitz's tactics.

Any academics in the house want to confirm or deny Novick's claim? 


DAILY SHVITZ

Fisking Chomsky's Latest Bilge on Iran

Michael Weiss

As usual, the hard left's favorite intellectual is as leaden and disingenuous as it's possible to be in print, this time on the subject of Iranian intrigue. Noam Chomsky writes, in a piece that has been syndicated in The Nation:

The debate over Iranian interference in Iraq proceeds without ridicule on the assumption that the United States owns the world. We did not, for example, engage in a similar debate in the 1980s about whether the US was interfering in Soviet-occupied Afghanistan, and I doubt that Pravda, probably recognizing the absurdity of the situation, sank to outrage about that fact (which American officials and our media, in any case, made no effort to conceal). Perhaps the official Nazi press also featured solemn debates about whether the Allies were interfering in sovereign Vichy France, though if so, sane people would then have collapsed in ridicule.

1. Did the Soviet Union have a UN mandate to occupy Afghanistan, thus giving it legal authority to monitor foreign infiltration of the country and expel such infiltrators?

2. The U.S. is once again, in Chomsky's bankrupt mind, compared to Nazi Germany, even though the analogue for the Allies in this case is a theocratic fascist state that makes it a matter of state policy to deny the signal crime of the Nazi regime. This no longer rises to the level of moral equivalence. It's cartooning as polemic.

Added to which, Chomsky can't keep his anarcho-syndicalist prescriptions straight. He now contradicts himself in the same essay. So, for instance, we get this --

Even if the White House clique is not planning war, naval deployments, support for secessionist movements and acts of terror within Iran, and other provocations could easily lead to an accidental war.

-- with no attempt whatsoever to clarify what he means by "secessionist movements" (let alone "acts of terror"), while a just few paragraphs down, we get:

Democracy promotion at home is certainly feasible and, although we cannot carry out such a project directly in Iran, we could act to improve the prospects of the courageous reformers and oppositionists who are seeking to achieve just that. Among such figures who are, or should be, well-known, would be Saeed Hajjarian, Nobel laureate Shirin Ebadi, and Akbar Ganji, as well as those who, as usual, remain nameless, among them labor activists about whom we hear very little; those who publish the Iranian Workers Bulletin may be a case in point.

Please explain how our supporting oppositionists will somehow not be seen by Tehran as a "provocation" that may lead to accidental war. And given the opportunity to secede from the fetid mullahocracy that rules Persia, would Hajjarian, Ebadi and Ganji not happily count themselves among the secessionists, even if they did blanch at the idea of receiving American aid or encouragement?

The rest of this screed is awash with the same platitudes about spreading "democracy at home," an idea that draws from the fact that the war powers delegated by the Constitution to the president of the United States are not automatically held in check by the latest Zogby/ABC News poll. That a majority of Americans oppose the surge and yet the surge is still undertaken means we don't live in a true democracy. There's political sophistication for you.

I suppose it would be small beer to Chomsky, given his frequent and cavalier recourse to 20th century history, to point out that prowar opinion ensnared Europe in the charnel event that was World War I, and antiwar opinion kept Europe from stopping Hitler when it might have done some good. But then, most people will concede that a genocide did indeed occur in the mid and late 1990's on European soil. So much for public opinion, eh, Noam?


DAILY SHVITZ

Perry Anderson on Kofi Annan

Michael Weiss

Lest we forget the knuckle-dragging on Rwanda

A year later, in January 1994, he received an urgent cable from Roméo Dallaire, the Canadian lieutenant general in charge of the UN force in Rwanda, warning him of impending slaughter of the Tutsi population in the country and explaining he planned to intervene by raiding Hutu arms caches. Not only did Annan refuse to allow any measures to be taken to stop the unleashing of genocide; he insured that the fax informing him of what was in store did not reach the Security Council. Approximately 800,000 Tutsis died in the ensuing massacre. Measured by consequences, the culpability of Kurt Waldheim, exposed for concealing his service as a Nazi intelligence officer in the Balkans, was puny by comparison. Annan remained quite unmoved until it became too impolitic to deny any remorse. The extent of his contrition is summed up by all he would say to Traub, after a long pause, about his part in the fate of Rwanda: "In retrospect, and this is also the culture of the house, we should have used the media more aggressively, and exposed the situation for them to see. Of course, at that time this organization was media-shy." Read: Don't blame me, I'm the one who became media-friendly. As banalizations go, Arendt might have had some words for it.

Annan reminds me of Colin Powell, another "glamorous" doyen of the establishment who, when news of the My Lai massacre was passed across his desk as a U.S. functionary in Vietnam, quietly muffled the scandal until an intrepid reporter called Sy Hersh brought it to light.

Realism, etc.


DAILY SHVITZ

Liberals On A Boat

Michael Weiss

The ship runs on Max Blumenthal's partisan rage. But hey, the last time Richard Dreyfuss was in the water, things turned out peachy.

Dear EmailNation Subscriber,

We know that cruises aren't for everyone but they are for some people. So we want to invite you to The Nation's tenth annual seminar cruise. Setting sail from Seattle on July 28, Holland America's msOssterdam will travel through Alaska on a seven-day tour, returning to Seattle on August 4.

You'd be joining a distinguished group of speakers who will all participate in a series of lectures, seminars, conversations and cocktail parties over the course of the voyage. Confirmed speakers include Richard Dreyfuss, Mark Hertsgaard, Ralph Nader, Liza Featherstone, Doug Henwood, Gary Younge and Salt Lake City's mayor, Rocky Anderson as well as many others soon to be named. They'll join Nation publisher emeritus Victor Navasky and Nation editor and publisher Katrina vanden Heuvel in what has always been both an enlightening exchange of ideas and a no-hassle, relaxing vacation.

Each day and night you'll mingle with these Nation comrades - in both informal and formal settings. And dinner seating is arranged so that everyone has a chance to dine with the guest speakers. There's also ample opportunity for informal group sessions beyond the featured seminars, with topics generated by the cruisers themselves. And the cruise itinerary is said to be spectacular with stops in Juneau, Hubbard Glacier, Sitka, Ketchikan and British Columbia.

We launched our seminar cruise series in 1998 to raise critical funds to help offset the magazine's chronic annual deficit. It's quickly grown into a popular excursion. Many of our past cruisers tell us that they had never before considered hitting the high seas for a vacation but that the Nation seminars tempted them into it; and they have no regrets. And we've partnered with Eco-Logic to re-forest a recently devastated area in Guatemala, paying for the planting of enough trees to offset the carbon emissions of each passenger on the Nation cruise.

So, if you can, please consider joining The Nation this summer for a week you'll never forget. You can book cabins, review the ports of call and receive further information regarding the cruise by clicking here or by calling 1-888-833-4339.

Finally, please visit The Nation online to listen to RadioNation with Laura Flanders, to read new Nation blogs, to view newsfeed links updated each day, to see when Nation writers are appearing on TV and radio, to get info on nationwide activist campaigns, and to read exclusive online reports and special weekly selections from The Nation magazine!

Best Regards,
Peter Rothberg,
The Nation

P.S. Check out StudentNation.

Day 2 (Paul Gottfried): Is it Time for Jews to Vote Republican?

Going to synagogue is like plunging into an editorial meeting at The Nation

From: Paul Gottfried
To: Jonathan Gottfried
Subject: American Jews are not so assimilated as you think

Jonathan,

Reading your spirited, penetrating response, I must admire the genetic endowment that your mother and I have bestowed on you. Despite your verbal adroitness, however, I feel obliged to challenge a few of your points.

Contrary to the attacks made on the Republican Party by former Vice President Gore, the Democrats opposed the Kyoto Accords on global warming as much as the Republicans did. On July 27, 1999, the Senate voted against ratifying those accords by a score of 95 to nothing. That figure included all of the Democrats in the Senate as well as the Republicans on the other side of the aisle. Russia, China, India, and Brazil—all of which are happily polluting the environment—also refused to accept the Kyoto restrictions on fuel emissions. According to the research of S. Fred Singer—the physicist who developed the instruments for measuring the temperature of the ozone layer—the reduction of global warming would be no more than 0.02 degrees even if the Kyoto agreements were put into effect.

From what I recall, President Clinton did not hesitate to engage in his own “nation-building” and did so with brute force in Kosovo. Moreover, his secretary of state Madeleine Albright and his seBill Clinton: Did he destroy a Sudanese pharmaceutical factory to get our minds off Monica?Bill Clinton: Did he destroy a Sudanese pharmaceutical factory to get our minds off Monica?curity advisor Sandy Berger organized pressure against Austria in 1999 to keep the rightwing anti-immigrationist Jorg Haider out of its government. (Similar actions, to my knowledge, have not been taken to keep communists out of any Western or Central European government since the end of the Cold War.) Although Clinton did not stumble into any engagement quite as disastrous as the Iraqi War, (bombing an aspirin factory, in order to divert attention from his impeachment proceedings, may have been quantitatively less stupid) he certainly meddled beyond our borders. His would-be successor was the preferred presidential candidate of the New Republic, an honor that devolved on Gore for his deserved reputation as a zealous nation-builder. If Bush has taken over traditional Democratic slogans about human rights for the world, Gore held the same instruction book even earlier.

I’m also not sure that Jewish voters in Alabama are all that similar to their Christian white neighbors. In all likelihood, most Jews in Alabama, like Jews in other states, identify with social positions that are more radical than those held by their Christian co-residents. From looking at Gallup Polls since the 1960s, it seems that American Christians have moved leftward on a wide range of social issues but that Jews have done so even more dramatically.

Going from my liberal Protestant college environment to a synagogue service is like plunging from a gathering of fairly standard left centrists into an editorial meeting of The Nation magazine. The reason for this seems clear. According to Anti-Defamation Leage (ADL) surveys, American Jews believe, without serious evidence, that Christian antisemitism is on the rise in this country. Thus they combat the remnants of a Christian, bourgeois society, presumably as a form of self-protection. (Jews do not act this way out of malice but are reacting to genuine anxiety.)

I suspect that Alabama's Jews, except for the handful of Orthodox ones, are as horrified by the Evangelical Right as are the Jews of the Northeast. This revulsion is undeserved since what is called the Christian Right is effusively philosemitic and passionately pro-Zionist.

Jewish dislike for this group seems based on nothing more substantial than conservative Christian opposition to the use of public education to change sexual mores and to Evangelical resistance to the removal of Judeo-Christian symbols from the public square. Although I am not comfortable with all of the Religious Right’s political positions, particularly its passion for President Bush’s nation-building, the attempts to present it as antisemitic are baseless and even outrageous.

But my larger point, Jonathan, is that American Jews are not as fully assimilated into American society as you suggest. Most continue to think of themselves as marginal and threatened and continue to appeal to public administration and the courts against traditional American religious attitudes. Although Jewish Republicans may suffer from some of the same mishagasim, their switch to the Republican Party indicates a more secure relationship with the white Christian majority. I offer this not as a bill of health for their party of choice but as moderate praise for the Jews who have joined it.

One last point: Orthodox Jews and religious Christians in Alabama do not share the sociological or cultural overlap you suggest. The reconstruction of an Eastern European Jewish communal lifestyle in metropolitan areas does not remind me at all of a Southern rural or smalltown Protestant ambience, even if the Jews and Protestants both occasionally cite Hebrew scriptures. Their only common ground is a sense of being threatened by the moral transformation of the U.S., a process in which the courts and public administration have both played key roles. Religiously traditional groups increasingly support the Republican Party as the national party less likely to push forward revolutionary moral and social changes. Whether the Republicans deserve this reputation is of course a separate issue.

Dad


Next: Jews have an interest in a secular society; the Christian Right does not


more »

DAILY SHVITZ

The Nation on Lebanon

Michael Weiss

Nasrallah and AounNasrallah and AounTell me if this paragraph doesn't strike you as a touch sympathetic toward Hezbollah:

This class battle transcends sectarian boundaries. Hezbollah has formed an alliance with the Free Patriotic Movement, led by Maronite Christian politician and former army commander Michel Aoun. With this coalition Hezbollah is trying to prove that it's not a purely sectarian party, it's not seeking to impose an Islamic government and it's willing to ally not just with nationalist Sunnis but also with Christians. Because Aoun stresses honest government, accountability and economic equality, he and Hezbollah seemed like a natural fit. By playing up its alliance with Aoun--and downplaying its partnership with the notoriously corrupt Shiite Amal party--Hezbollah can reinforce the reputation for honesty shared by many Islamist movements in the Middle East.

For one thing, I wouldn't know from reading this that Aoun -- unaffectionately nicknamed "the General" by a large sector of the Lebanese population -- was exiled in Paris up until the Cedar Revolution for his opposition to Syrian irrendentism. What finally brought him back home was his eagerness to renege on that opposition by making common cause with Syria's proxy militia, whose kidnapping of Israeli soldiers or rocketing of Israeli civilian apartment complexes (inhabited by Jews and by Arabs) go unmentioned in this Nation dispatch.

Mohammed Bazzi, who titles this piece "A People's Revolt" (just in case you didn't gel to his own leanings from the text), seems to think the present alliance with Nasrallah is governed by hard materialism and Shi'ite poverty. Never mind that Aoun has made triangulation and cynical deal-making an art form. Never mind that his party cares little for the shanty-dwelling Shia. What's important here is that Aoun's a secular liberal and therefore his unlikely backing of Hezbollah must represent a united front for reform. (Where have we heard "secular" used to dismiss suspect motives in the region before?)

Easy enough to account for why Hezbollah's suddenly at the cool kids' table at counterintuitive Lebanese caucauses. Israel's disastrous handling of the August war, and the milita's Chavez-like willingness to buy populism with alms has made it the inevitable winner of any successful coup against the Siniora regime. Aoun wants in from the storming of the palace steps, even if the car that gets him there is marked "Made in Damascus."


DAILY SHVITZ

Alexander Cockburn's Short Attention Span

Michael Weiss

Alexander Cockburn: Don't sweat DarfurAlexander Cockburn: Don't sweat DarfurCan you believe The Nation actually makes you pay for this stuff? Alexander Cockburn on why Darfur is a fashionable media crisis, whereas Israeli depredations in Gaza would cause yawns if anyone in the US were aware of such depredations in the first place:

Darfur is primarily a "feel good" subject for people here who want to agonize publicly about injustices in the world but who don't really want to do anything about them. After all, it's Arabs who are the perpetrators and there is ultimately little that people in this country can do to effect real change in the policy of the government in Khartoum.

Now, Gaza is an entirely different story. The American public as well as the US government have a great deal of control over what is happening there. It is Israel, America's prime ally in the Middle East, that is on a day-to-day basis, with America's full support, inflicting appalling brutalities on a civilian population. To report in any detail on what's going on in Gaza means accusing the United States of active complicity in terrible crimes wrought by Israel, as it methodically lays waste a society of 1.4 million Palestinians.

It's true. I feel great about wanting to end the genocide of 200,000 black Africans and the displacement of 2.5 million more.  According to the outgoing U.N. humanitarian chief Jan Egeland, Darfur's "free fall" now threatens to spill into Chad and Central African Republic and possibly lead to the starvation of the always-copasetic number of 6 million indigent refugees in total.

Cockburn's bait-and-switch essay about a bait-and-switch media culture is made even more pathetic by the fact that he then cites Ha'aretz for its "searing reports" about how cruel and inhumane Israel has been to the residents of Gaza. (He also argues that much of this information is inaccessible to American audiences, kept, as it is, in a strict state of purdah by Israel -- though apparently not so strict that his brother Patrick couldn't address the issue in the British newspaper The Independent, which is also quoted from in this piece.)

I don't know why the left makes such a virtue of its short attention span for global horror and misery. The rather facile answer Cockburn comes up with is that its comforting when the perps aren't U.S. or U.S.-backed forces but those shady A-rabs. Let's concede that a small (or not so small) segment of the American Jewish community, which has been screaming for intervention to stop the Darfur genocide for quite a while now, is acting out of bad faith, or at least mitigated good faith, because Khartoum is ruled by people closer in skin tone to Palestinians than, say, were Bosniacs when that same community demanded an end to their genocide on European soil. Does this mean that the behavior of the janjaweed is any more acceptable, or that Darfur any more ignorable a disaster? Why can't Cockburn entertain his suspicions without resorting to the sub-cretinous mode of "Sorry, nothing to be done in Africa. Now, directing your attention to the region where AIPAC takes an energetic interest..."

I think I prefer the feel-good activists of the New York Times to the feel-nothing shits of CounterPunch.


DAILY SHVITZ

Christ's "Arrows"

Michael Weiss

Editorial adviser Jeff Sharlet sends the following email:

My friend and colleague Kathryn Joyce has just published her first
major magazine article in The Nation, a portrait of a new Christian
fundamentalist "avant-garde" of women who wage "spiritual war" by
birthing as many soldiers for God as they can.

They call their babies arrows, and their movement "Quiverfull," and
they're thinking long term: "if just 8 million American Christian
couples began supplying more "arrows for the war" by having six
children or more, they propose," writes Kathryn, "the Christian-right
ranks could rise to 550 million within a century."

Men are in on it, of course: Kathryn writes of one husband who
abandoned plans for a vasectomy urged even by his pastor when he "saw
a warrior angel in his dream. A "large, worrying warrior angel" with a
flaming sword that he pointed at Christopher's genitals, telling him,
"Do not change God's plan.""

Scariest of all, conservative Democrats are in on it too -- the latter
part of the article reports on a Democratic Leadership Council study
of the "return to patriarchy" to figure out how Democrats can do just
that as a path to victory.


DAILY SHVITZ

Poetry Makes Nothing Happen

Michael Weiss
Red lips are not so red / As the stained stones kissed by the English dead: Wilfred OwenRed lips are not so red / As the stained stones kissed by the English dead: Wilfred OwenIf, like me, you tend to think of "American poetry*" the way you would "great Canadian novel" then Rolf Potts' Nation tribute to Allen Ginsberg's "Wichita Vortex Sutra" is interesting for reasons having nothing to do with its putative subject, the politics of language.
Because Ginsberg's revelations are difficult--because they seem to question the potency of poetry--it's no surprise that the anniversary of "Wichita Vortex Sutra" has been ignored this year, despite the poem's jarring relevance to the current American landscape. [...]

Oh, please. Ginsberg's revelations are all antis in search of a climax, and they're couched in lousy verse.

Just as "terrorism" (another nine-letter word) has become an incantation that aims to blur all manner of failures and lies by "inferior magicians" within the Bush Administration, the word "Communism" was central to the alchemical formula for Johnson-era spin and manipulation--a drab reminder that language could obscure truth as readily as express it.

Wait a minute, I thought we were comparing Vietnam to Iraq? I guess "Baathism" with its 8 letters, and "insurgency" with its 10, sort of spoils the moral and lyric equivalence, huh?

Antiwar poetry is the exclusive demesne of the British, with Wilfred Owen as head groundskeeper:

Bent double, like old beggars under sacks,
Knock-kneed, coughing like hags, we cursed through sludge,
Till on the haunting flares we turned our backs
And towards our distant rest began to trudge.
Men marched asleep. Many had lost their boots
But limped on, blood-shod. All went lame; all blind;
Drunk with fatigue; deaf even to the hoots
Of disappointed shells that dropped behind.

GAS! Gas! Quick, boys!-- An ecstasy of fumbling,
Fitting the clumsy helmets just in time;
But someone still was yelling out and stumbling
And floundering like a man in fire or lime.--
Dim, through the misty panes and thick green light
As under a green sea, I saw him drowning.

In all my dreams, before my helpless sight,
He plunges at me, guttering, choking, drowning.

If in some smothering dreams you too could pace
Behind the wagon that we flung him in,
And watch the white eyes writhing in his face,
His hanging face, like a devil's sick of sin;
If you could hear, at every jolt, the blood
Come gargling from the froth-corrupted lungs,
Obscene as cancer, bitter as the cud
Of vile, incurable sores on innocent tongues,--
My friend, you would not tell with such high zest
To children ardent for some desperate glory,
The old Lie: Dulce et decorum est
Pro patria mori.

Wielding cliches like daisy-cutters, Potts makes the obvious allusions to Shelley ("poets are the unacknowledged legislators of the world") and Auden, who said "Poetry makes nothing happen" in mid-stride through his wonderful memorial to W.B. Yeats. As it happens, Yeats was once asked to deliver a war poem himself; the occasion was the same world war which made Owen famous before claiming his life. All the Irishman could come up with was the following strophe, which really does put Auden's career-humbling pronouncement in better perspective:

I think it better that in times like these
A poet's mouth be silent, for in truth
We have no gift to set a statesman right;
He has had enough of meddling who can please
A young girl in the indolence of her youth,
Or an old man upon a winter's night

*T.S. Eliot, the "Rock" choruses -- yes.