The Two-Sided Argument Over Gaza |
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by Shmuel Rosner, December 27, 2008 |
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Israelis have become so accustomed to the idiotic reaction by world leaders whenever Israel goes to war, that we now get a sense of satisfaction from the mere fact that such reaction is not totally one-sided. One Israeli paper has had a headline today saying: "Europe refrains from one-sided condemnation of Israel." Hurray!
Israel's Foreign Minister
Tzipi Livni explained today that "[t]he international community understands that Hamas is an
extreme Islamist organization that spreads its hatred in the entire region,
which is being supported by Iran. And the international community needs to
understand that this is the translation of the right of Israel to defend
itself, that there is no other alternative and we are doing what we need to do
in order to defend our citizens."
But does it really understand?
The much admired President of France, Nicolas Sarkozy - no doubt a better friend to Israel than his predecessors, and someone who does understand the need to fight against terror - has called today for "an immediate stop to the firing of rockets on Israel and to the Israeli bombings in Gaza and calls for all parties to use restraint." The not-as-much admired British Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, has said: "I am deeply concerned by continuing missile strikes from Gaza on Israel and by Israel's response today."
To be fair, these statements do show a predisposition by European leaders to "understand" that deterioration was caused by Hamas' decision to allow - or more accurately orchestrate - rocket fire into Israel. Thus, they preach first for "stop to the firing of rockets" and only then to "Israeli bombings." But one has to wonder: why the mention of Israel? Why the concern about Israel's legitimate response to the daily rocketing of its civilians? Why only the reviled US administration has the courage and the clarity to respond to the Gaza operation without feeling the need to engage in linguistic acrobatics?
"The United States strongly condemns the repeated rocket and mortar attacks against Israel and holds Hamas responsible for breaking the ceasefire and for the renewal of violence in Gaza," [State Secretary Condoleezza] Rice said.
Middle East complications aside, it is, sometimes, as simple as that.
Nikolas Sarkozy Discovers The Downside Of Marrying A Supermodel |
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| The President of France is supposed to keep his amour on the DL | |
by Andy Hume, February 5, 2008 |
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Is there possibly a downside to marrying a 40-year-old multimillionaire supermodel who is most comfortable with no clothes on?
For France’s president, Nicolas Sarkozy—who married Carla Bruni in a low-key ceremony in Paris on Saturday—the answer might be “yes.” A comfortable majority elected him only nine months ago, but Sarkozy has slipped to a 41 percent approval rating, down 13 points on the previous month.
Delicious Distraction: Mr. and Mrs. Sarkozy
There are political explanations for Sarko’s plummeting popularity: the French economy only grew two percent last year, his tax cuts are deeply unpopular in the traditionally leftist country, and the cost of living is rising. This is toxic for a man who ran on a promise to boost the economy.
But ask anyone in the street and it’s not the GDP that they’re talking about—it’s the new Mrs Sarkozy.
The French have always tolerated their politicians’ private foibles. Chirac and Mitterrand had strings of mistresses without causing Clintonian levels of public outrage. French leaders can shag whom they desire if they are discreet, and the French media is happy to be comply with their discretion.
Long-suffering French voters have been noticeably less impressed this time around, however, as the public soap opera has unfolded in the world media. Sarkozy has been acting like a pop star instead of doing his job, according to many voters, and anyone who has ever listened to French pop music will understand what a grave insult that is.
More to the point, many French citizens feel that supermodel Bruni is too showbiz and too "cheap" (despite her fortune) to make a fitting consort for the President of the Republic. We are talking about a woman who has slept with Mick Jagger, Kevin Costner and Donald Trump. Imagine George W. Bush running off with Cher and you begin to get the idea.
Mind you, Bush would love a 41 percent approval rating.
Sarkozy's Dangerous Game |
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by François Blumenfeld-Kouchner, January 2, 2008 |
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While the French are preoccupied with a new law that will prohibit smoking in public places, their president’s foreign policy is taking a strange turn. Remember how Sarkozy defended his invitation of Gaddafi through contracts that he did not end up getting? And how those contracts included “civilian” nuclear technology (which, we still don’t know for sure, he might have given off against the release of some prisoners)? Well, here’s a new twist.
Purportedly to retaliate for its role in messing up the latest Lebanese presidential elections, Syria was hit with a suspension of diplomatic relations with France -returning to its previous policy. WhileHa’aretz’s Daniel Ben-Simon is probably right to point out that the initiative is part of FM Bernard Kouchner’s personal investment in the resolution of the Lebanese crisis, and while indeed is it to be feared that further terrorist intervention from Syria in Lebanese internal affairs is to be seen again shortly, this move takes place in a larger and much more sinister Middle Eastern context.
Sarkozy’s announcement of diplomatic rupture with Syria might have come around one of his and Kouchner’s protected jogs -in Egypt, freedom of the press doesn’t exclude breaking journalists’ limbs-but it also came while Sarkozy was trying to sell French nuclear technology to the Egyptians… This is becoming a nasty habit, albeit sometimes humorous (as in when Sarko offered a baffled Angela Merkel some French nukes).
Why a possible connection to the Franco-Syrian diplomacy? Because Syria is both an Iranian stand-in and a possible actor itself in the nuclear rise of the Evil Axis. And what did Iran offer to Egypt right about the same time France did, if not assistance with nuclear projects?
All the while, Egypt is appearing ambiguous in its alliances, probably to emphasise its pivotal role between the two blocks and to appease both sides in order to avert an internal crisis.
As I noted before, there is little new in French presidential foreign policy. However, this continued pragmatism -Sarkozy’s new friend now has the presidency of the UN Security Council- falsely sold as idealism (who can believe that France’s refusal to enter the latest Iraqi conflict had nothing to do with its petroleum needs?) means that Napoleon’s heirs are ready to wreck the world again by contributing to the dissemination of nuclear technology to less than tasty partners -we all remember the Osirak case.
Taking Your Date to Disneyland Doesn't Make You a Liberal |
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by François Blumenfeld-Kouchner, December 21, 2007 |
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Nothing much has changed in France’s so-called ‘Arab policy’. Paris is still willing to snuggle up to dictators, if it means they could -hypothetically- sell them some armaments or nuclear facilities. Gaddafi’s ridiculous stop in Paris during his European tour (Spain’s motivations for receiving him seem no more glorious) shows that the French are still cozying up to terrorists.
The analysis of the French commentators is also pretty habitual. Serge Moati failed to elicit any positive indignation from his panel -no-one thought that Gaddafi shouldn’t have been invited. Indeed, it was suggested in that same broadcast that it is perfectly normal to welcome the Libyan torturer since France is going to host Shimon Peres shortly: no-one seemed particularly shocked at the comparison. While the majority of the French public was opposed to his visit, it seems that a large part of the intellectuels (except for the usual crowd, including Bernard-Henri Lévy, who was subsequently disowned by his ‘friend’ Sarko) were not opposed to it, and they were joined by a number of… Africans, notably women. This is apparently Sarkozy’s excuse for his public opinion: the Arab world (a reference in matter of democracy, as we well know) doesn’t see Gaddafi as a dictator.
This state visit was, however, sponsored mostly by Sarkozy himself, with very dissonant voices in his very government. Rama Yade and Bernard Kouchner both expressed, in no uncertain terms, their displeasure at the dictator’s visit. This might be a slightly new factor in French politics, but in fact the true novelty lies in Sarkozy’s distraction from the Gaddafi visit -and from its failure to bring the promised lucrative contracts for France.
As soon as Gaddafi had left French soil, Sarkozy, faithful to his “people-isation,” as they say in French, of politics, turned the attention of the media back to a more valuable subject: his private life. While the highbrow media, while still avoiding covering the actual issues, delved into the traditional how-it’s-impossible-to-talk-about-the-serious-issues due to Sarkozy’s tabloid lifestyle complaint, everybody was just rushing to comment on the President’s new flirt -Carla Bruni, of modeling and singing fame.
Thus the real question in French politics this week is: how acceptable is the place of the first official date of Sarko and Carla -Disneyland Paris? Some laments are heard on the devotion of the media to the national authority, but seriously, what do you expect in a country where (all) journalists have historically benefited from an income tax discount?
The funny thing, of course, is the way in which Sarkozy plays with this very controlled publication of his private life. While the attacks on the stars’ private lives by the tabloids -and their leakage into general press coverage- are absolutely senseless and contribute to the dumbing down of content in the media, Sarkozy has no place reacting to paparazzi in the same way Julia Roberts or Nicole Kidman do. The point is not so much that Sarkozy is transforming French, supposedly issues-centered politics into American-style, supposedly personality based public debate; rather, it is that he is providing the French with what they like -sort of like the badly dubbed shitty old American soaps they love watching- while in fact practicing the same old, anti-liberal, public policy.
Good News: Jewish Lobby Controls France |
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by François Blumenfeld-Kouchner, November 29, 2007 |
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Jewcy's Abe Greenwald shouldn't worry so much about France -the Algerian government (well, one of its ministers, but he has received no official rebuttal) tells us who's really in charge: Sarkozy was put in power by the "Jewish lobby,which has the monopoly of industry in France;" Bernard Kouchner rallied the right-wing government because he's Jewish too. The Jews control everything: they even get themselves born and raised in Algeria to pretend that they have something to do with this country -what a provocation! Singer Enrico Macias, object of this attack, renounced accompanying Sarkozy in his state visit to Algeria -the rest of the official French delegation will be unaffected. The French Foreign Affairs Ministry simply expressed its "surprise" at the declarations of Algerian Minister Cherif Abbés.
Macias is by now a familiar target of official Algerian anti-Semitism. His apparent popularity with Kabyle taxi-drivers might not help. A singer who works for peace, that sounds bad to start with, a Kabyle one at that has all the chances of getting himself killed. In the meantime, I leave you with the secret weapon of the Judeo-Ziono-Masonic Conspiracy. Scary.
Racism and its Future Downfall |
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by François Blumenfeld-Kouchner, November 10, 2007 |
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A recent report to the UN by Doudou Diène addressed the problem of the legitimization of racism at the highest intellectual and political levels in democratic societies. He cited French President Sarkozy’s Dakar speech, which stated that the African “man never launched himself towards the future. The idea never came to him to get out of this repetition and to invent his own destiny,” and the recent comments of James Watson, of stolen DNA fame, claiming that Africans are less intelligent than ‘us’, i.e. white males.
Sarkozy’s speech has been criticized in France, most notably by Bernard-Henri Lévy, whom nevertheless laid the blame squarely on the speech-writer’s shoulders (generating a mini-internet feud). The French diplomat at the UN, however, was shocked:
The representative of France said the Special Rapporteur had referred to his country twice in an unacceptable way. Public statements by the highest authorities of France could be debated, of course, but it was unacceptable to say that they sought to legitimize racism. President Sarkozy had reaffirmed several times that the fight against racism and xenophobia was among his priorities…
Notwithstanding the habitual racism of French presidents, it seems that France’s fascination with its own way of doing things does lead it to believe that xenophobia is fought off successfully in a very ‘Republican’ way, which can be summed up as the rejection of all differences in the public sphere. It seems the heirs of the Enlightenment -and of the Terror- have scarce asked themselves about the norm from which the different could be deduced. For all the acculturation talk, the norm is clear: if you’re not a visibly white, Catholic man, things are not so great.
Watson’s asininity, on the other hand, is nothing new. One can find it baffling that he got to direct Cold Spring Harbor lab for so long. But his cronies abound. A review of his latest book published last month in Nature demonstrates the ambient blindness:
We learn who and what has earned Watson's respect, affection and tenderness: his father, his wife Liz, the University of Chicago, former Chicago president Robert Hutchins, teaching, Harvard students, art, and those he injudiciously refers to as 'girls'.
Injudiciously? Girls? Wait one. Oh, yeah:
Watson is highly critical of science at Harvard, while expressing sympathy for the demise of former Harvard president Larry Summers. These events would seem to be largely irrelevant to the rest of the book, had Watson not been in hot water in the mid-1970s over 'girls' in science, and had he not been curious about the role of the genome in shaping human intellectual ability and in predisposing to such 'developmental failures' as autism, schizophrenia and Asperger's syndrome. He tellingly concludes: "If Summers' tactlessness does, in fact, have a genetic basis, much of the anger toward him should rightly yield to sympathy." In genome, veritas.
“Been in hot water in the mid-70’s” is what I call a sympathetic assessment of a deeply bigoted man. Discounting the obvious stupidity of assuming intelligence is somehow tied to the white man’s Y chromosome (and yes I do believe that any special case for “Jewish intelligence” would have to be exclusively cultural), would you not find it disturbing in the least that the claims of a supposed foremost scientist sound exactly like the centuries-old pseudo-science of racism?
The most fervent hope I have against all forms of xenophobia is in the increasing rate at which people of different backgrounds (ethnic, religious and atheistic, national) get together. This seems to happen everywhere, from the American continent to Old Europe, and with a bit of luck –and whatever the mechanism– it will spell the downfall of racism before we have time to get married with robots.
The Kind of Ally We Need, If Don't Always Want |
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by Michael Weiss, November 7, 2007 |
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Watching the bewildered look on Leslie Stahl's face when Nicolas Sarkozy walked off the set of 60 Minutes last week was, for me at least, worth a whole national election (one in which I have absolutely no voting power, but still).
Can there be any doubt that America's greatest asset is the outspoken and often critical ally we now have in the Elysee Palace? The French president addresses a rare joint session of Congress:
“I want to be your friend, your ally, your partner,” he said, “but I wish to be a friend who stands on his own two feet.”
He was able to chide the Bush administration to take a leadership role on climate change and to warn of the effects of the dollar’s sharp decline to a position far below parity with the euro — a decline that helps American exporters and hurts European exporters — and still draw applause.
[...]But Mr. Sarkozy, who has always stated clearly that France was right to oppose the war in Iraq, did not utter the word Iraq. France has refused to help the United States on the ground in Iraq.
So the extraordinary embrace of the French president by American lawmakers reflected their approval of a new European leader who actually likes America and the reality that support for the Iraq war is no longer the acid test of French-American friendship.
No one can call Sarkozy "Bush's poodle" (the term never fit Tony Blair either, but that's a separate story). "Sarko l'Americain" sounds like a pool hall huckster in 30's film noir, which is appropriate given the man's love for our popular culture and showy work ethic. (What would French New Wave have been without Notorious or Public Enemy?)
Dogged in his opposition to aiding the war effort in Iraq, Sarkozy nonetheless has shown great willingness to confront the danger of a nuclear Iran and speak out against the witless anti-Americanism that bedevils his country just as witless Francophobia bedevils our own. Our oldest ally has proven, then, at the nadir of U.S. stature and influence, to be our strongest. Viva la something, all right.
Arms for Hostages? |
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by François Blumenfeld-Kouchner, August 6, 2007 |
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Is this the beginning of a disturbing trend? The arms deal struck by France with Libya is now formally announced –nothing to worry about: the contract had nothing to do with the release of the Bulgarian nurses, says France’s new diva, President Sarkozy, whilst taking on the crowd of enraged American paparazzi whom he no doubt believes want to turn him into another Princess Diana.
In the meantime, though, another coup of the French Presidential diplomacy, the possible release of Ingrid Betancourt, is rumoured to have already happened. If this turns out to be true, however, how are we to take the accompanying gossip that says that Comrade Chávez mediated the deal, in return for some quality Label Rouge French-made weapons –the sale of which to Venezuela had been stopped under Chirac? Of course, it is highly possible that this info is bogus –there’s also a rumour that Hugo Boss demanded the liberation of Carlos in return for Ingrid– but if not, surely this does not bode well for the future of the Franco-American friendship so touted by Sarkozy himself. Would France’s Gaullist ‘Third Way’ after the fall of communism be to take over the leftover arms trade towards rogue regimes that they don’t control yet?
Plus ça change... |
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by François Blumenfeld-Kouchner, August 3, 2007 |
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Well, predictions made earlier in the Shvitz, unfortunately -if unsurprisingly- turn out to be true. Sarkozy, cheered as a herald of change for France, is now confronted to the vast inertia of French society. A good (they’re rare enough to be noted) editorial in Le Monde claimed yesterday that ‘Even though this may seem cruel towards Prime Minister François Fillon, it is now tempting to say that we know what purpose he serves: he’s here to announce the steps back taken by the president from the promises he made as a candidate…’
And indeed education reforms have been quelled despite the great need of France to review its system; reducing the number of civil servants in the ‘public function’ has been taken off the agenda. But more importantly, it seems as though Sarkozy is already doing something his critics had predicted he’d do: using the popular Bernard Kouchner to cover for his mistakes. While Kouchner’s role in bringing in the UN troops to Darfur as well as in trying to re-establish a Lebanese ‘dialogue’ cannot be overlooked, Sarkozy’s own attempt to solve the Bulgarian nurses’ plight in Libya -seen by some as a hijacking of a long-planned EU diplomatic strategy, although by others in a slightly more positive light- gave the first mark of his desire to see himself as the central character in the international politics arena.
Although this is hardly surprising since De Gaulle himself inaugurated foreign affairs as the ‘reserved domain’ of President of the 5th Republic (a traditional attribution not written in the constitution), lack of communication between the head of state and his government do help to give the impression that he will use them as scapegoats: it is now emerging that, despite Kouchner’s denials in parliament earlier this week, Sarkozy had struck an armament deal with the Libyans as counterpart for the release of the nurses.
In the meantime, and not to be outdone by an American, albeit Michael Vick, France is still upholding its long-standing tradition of freedom of thought, not speech, by censoring an anti-corrida ad deemed to be ‘too violent’ (not that they’d censor ads that, say, are degrading women).
Mideast News Roundup |
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by Avi Kramer, July 25, 2007 |
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Egyptian and Jordanian foreign ministers arrived in Jerusalem representing the only two Arab governments that have signed peace deals with Israel. They spoke today about the peace initiative and specifically avoided referencing the Arab League, which has never recognized Israel. Yet, without mentioning the League, the two foreign ministers are pushing the Arab League’s peace plan for the region which stipulates three main conditions for normal relations with Israel: 1. full withdrawal from land occupied in the 1967 war, including Jerusalem, 2. the creation of a Palestinian state, and 3. a just solution to the Palestinian refugee problem. [Debka] [The Washington Times]
Beijing’s Xinhua news service reported today that Taliban rebels have demanded that eight Taliban prisoners be released in exchange for eight South Korean hostages. The hostages are primarily female members of a Christian group who were abducted last Thursday in Ghazni, southwest of Kabul. [Xinhua]
The deadline for releasing the Taliban prisoners was set for Tuesday evening and then extended indefinitely. Debka reported this afternoon that the Taliban has killed one of the hostages. [Debka]
Shvitz editor Michael Weiss, posted yesterday on Libya’s release of six medical workers—five Bulgarian nurses and one Palestinian doctor—who were held for eight years under the dubious and unsubstantiated charge of deliberately infecting children with the virus that causes AIDS. [Jewcy]
Susannah Sirkin, deputy director of Physicians for Human Rights, said, “The charges were fabricated; the nurses were tortured into confessing; there was no due process.” [The New York Times]
In the aftermath of the prisoners’ release, the EU has no problem normalizing relations with Libya’s leaders: French President Nicolas Sarkozy will travel to Tripoli to boost the EU-Libya ties. [BBC]
President Bush’s lynchpin: personal diplomacy via frequent video conferences with Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki of Iraq. They chat on troops and leadership and God, which is all well and good, but where are the results? [The New York Times]
David Remnick writes the Letter from Jerusalem in this week’s New Yorker profiling Avraham Burg, a former Speaker of the Knesset, and a “Zionist politician who has lost his faith in the future” (of Israel).
“People are not willing to admit it,” Burg said, “but Israel has reached the wall […] We are already dead. We haven’t received the news yet, but we are dead. It doesn’t work anymore. It doesn’t work. . . . There is no one to talk to here. The religious community of which I was a part—I feel no sense of belonging to it. The secular community—I am not part of it, either. I have no one to talk to. I am sitting with you and you don’t understand me, either.”
“After some fifteen, twenty years in political life I had a feeling all of a sudden that, to use the Biblical term, Israel was the kingdom without prophesy. I realized that the three founding narratives of the national idea of Israeliness were over: the mass immigration to the land, aliyah; the security of the land; and the settling of the land. All three had served their purpose and were no longer the core of the nation’s narratives.”
On the Holocaust as a reference point for Israeli statehood, Burg told Remnick,
"We confiscated, we monopolized, world suffering. We did not allow anybody else to call whatever suffering they have ‘holocaust’ or ‘genocide,’ be it Armenians, be it Kosovo, be it Darfur. In the last years, Israeliness has confined itself for itself only and lost interest almost for what happens in the world. For me, Israel is shrinking into its own shell rather than struggling for a better world."
Otniel Schneller, a Knesset member from Ehud Olmert’s centrist Kadima Party, has said that when Burg dies he should be denied burial in the special section of Mt. Herzl National Cemetery reserved for national leaders.
Today, more than 600 French Jews made aliyah. [JTA]
Quote of the Day: Why I'm Not a Sarkozist |
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by Michael Weiss, July 24, 2007 |
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I will look at the positions he took on these three questions and conclude that when he said that the Vichy government was not an integral participant in genocide, when he thundered that France should not be embarrassed by its “civilizing” work in Algeria, and when he vowed that if elected he would “liquidate the heritage of May 1968,” which for 40 years has been a secret wound, a torment, sometimes the nightmare of the most radical reactionary right wing of this country, Nicolas Sarkozy cut himself off from men like me.Bernard Henri-Levy, reviewing Sarkozy's memoir Testament.
Les Clercs v. Supersarko |
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by Michael Weiss, July 5, 2007 |
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His real problem is he does it outdoors and looks a terrier that's just gone through the car wash. Quelle horrible. The new mission civilatrice for the French: le indoor treadmill.
“Is jogging right wing?” wondered Libération, the left-wing newspaper. Alain Finkelkraut, a celebrated philosopher, begged Mr Sarkozy on France 2, the main state television channel, to abandon his “undignified” pursuit. He should take up walking, like Socrates, Arthur Rimbaud, the poet, and other great men, said Mr Finkelkraut.More Rimbaud and less Rambo, critics tell sweaty jogger Sarkozy - Times Online
Sarkozy Drunk in Public |
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by Michael Weiss, June 17, 2007 |
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When it comes to the French president's ability to hold his cabernet, the Jewish genes are clearly dominant.
I have to say, I lucked out. My way with the stuff is nothing if not Irish. Friday night I did half a magnum of Shiraz with Strawn, plus two margaritas, plus two whiskies -- Craig was there, he'll tell you. And this was on top of hearing Kate fucking Bush caterwauling in the background. My little head didn't even hurt Saturday morning.
Take it from my cirrhotic Granddad McKenna: The liver that burns twice as bright burns half as long.
Adios, "New Europe" |
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by Michael Weiss, June 5, 2007 |
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The good will of "New Europe" is no more, thanks to the bumbling of President Bush, says Anne Applebaum:
Putin's Cold War rhetoric is beginning to worry people all across the continent; he must be counting it a huge success. Yet it seems no one in the Pentagon ever imagined that anyone might object to the project, or that the locals might want some extra reassurance, or that a bit of judicious diplomacy might have smoothed the way in advance. According to some, the State Department didn't even know the missile shield was going ahead until the Pentagon had already made the decision. Sound familiar?
The only quibble I have with Applebaum's argument is that it doesn't take into account how amenable Old Europe has once more become to American interests. France and Germany now have heads of state with a professed tendency toward Washington, made ever starker by the possible vacancy in the role of world partner that will attend the resignation of Tony Blair in Britain.
Though there's every reason to suspect that David Cameron or Gordon Brown would be more reliable Atlanticists than they let on to their constituencies: Sarkozy and Merkel get away with snuggling up to Washington because their countries both opposed the one U.S. foreign policy decision credited with blackening our reputation: the war in Iraq.
Of course, that the administration has chosen now to press for the installation of the missile shield is telling in another way. It suggests that Bush has learned little since 2000, when an anti-nuclear defense system was a point in his virgin presidential campaign. (Instead of a "freedom doctrine" or nation-building, zapping rockets from outer space was on chief security concern of the GOP candidate.)
So the rationale that such a shield is designed to protect the United States from Iran and North Korea--regimes which have not yet got missiles that can reach the United States and certainly didn't have them in 2000--is transparently false. However, Applebaum is quite right to stress that Kremlin knows that the shield is not designed to antagonize Russia, which still ranks at the largest owner of nuclear warheads on the planet. Recall that the Pentagon under Donald Rumsfeld had signaled China as the most exigent military threat to the U.S. in the 21st century. China is the likelier target for such a hapless deterrent.
Of course, it scarcely helps that Moscow and Beijing are bosom buddies on everything from human rights abuses to kleptocratic third world oil deals to squashing any attempt to bring justice to the criminal state murders of democratic reformists like Rafiq Hariri.
Welcome to the New World Order. Same as the old, really.
The Mighty Calves of France |
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by Michael Weiss, May 31, 2007 |
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Nicolas Sarkozy, the "French Kennedy," jogging up the steps of the Elysee Palace. His style is either invigoratingly breezy or gauche, depending on whom you ask. We'll hold off on further Camelot-izing until he incites a missile crisis with Vladimir Putin, but for now it's worth pointing out that le presidente's calves are the size of that meat flank that made Fred Flintstone's car tip over at the drive-in.
Sarko Makes Good Already |
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by Michael Weiss, May 24, 2007 |
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How nice for France to have president who isn't in the business of building Middle Eastern dictators nuclear reactors but stopping their manufacture:
Sarkozy announced that France will join the official US-led struggle against head of the International Atomic Energy Agency Mohamed ElBaradei, who recommended that Iran be allowed to enrich uranium in some of its nuclear plants.Gordon Brown and David Cameron can sit this one out if they like.
Sarkozy's Smart Pick for Foreign Minister |
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by François Blumenfeld-Kouchner, May 22, 2007 |
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Despite his reliance on media coverage to advance humanitarian causes, Bernard Kouchner’s work still remains mostly unacknowledged outside of the places were it was performed. It is very difficult to find a detailed c.v. for the co-founder of Doctors Without Borders and Doctors of the World on the internet. Most people know Kouchner for stints as Special Representative of the U.N. Secretary-General and head of the U.N. Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo, and for the famous photo of him toting a bag of rice on the beach of Mogadishu during Somalia’s 1992 famine and civil war—in other words, they know him as a caricature of the border-hopping hero to the wretched of the earth.
But how many bags of rice has Kouchner carried when the cameras weren’t around? This is a question that does not seem to preoccupy his critics, whose latest tactic is to attribute his nomination as France’s Foreign Affairs Minister to the ever-powerful Jewish lobby.
Upon his acceptance of the government job, Kouchner was immediately excluded from the Socialist Party, to which he had been loyal longer than Segolene Royal has been its favorite pin-up politician. The Socialists, despite—or perhaps because of—his popularity, have always confined him to second-rate roles. French commentators who chide Kouchner’s most “undiplomatic” attitude pay him a compliment unwittingly. Kouchner and his roving medical team managed to get themselves into Iraq multiple times to care for the Kurds while most of the world was oblivious to their extermination under Saddam Hussein. In a speech delivered a few years ago before the Carnegie Council, Kouchner defined his undiplomatic approach in the following terms: He’d first ask, "’Mr. Dictator, will you allow us to care for your patients?’ If they said ‘Yes, okay,’ we'd come. If they refused, we'd say, ‘Sorry, but we're coming anyway’—and would cross the border. It was physically difficult, and some of our people died. Others have been imprisoned for years.” These days, by Kouchner’s estimation, threatening Mr. Dictator with embargoes, travel restrictions, frozen bank assets and, yes, military force are handy concomitants to forcing him to either admit humanitarian aid workers or admit he’s up to no good.
So what will Kouchner’s presence in the government mean for France, the United States and the rest of the world?
Sarkozy is the first really media-conscious French politician, and contrary to the Socialists’ opinion that recruiting Kouchner along with other members of their party into his government was a Machiavellian power play, the truth is more likely that he was smart enough to recognize and use popularity and talent where he saw them. Kouchner was one of the few French intellectuals to outwardly and unequivocally condemn Saddam when it looked as if his regime was operating on borrowed time: Kouchner wasn’t pro-war but he was opposed to the French Security Council veto against all attempts to remove the Iraqi dictator from power. He is also predisposed to humanitarian intervention, a concept he helped elucidate and develop under the French name of droit d’ingérence. With the Bush and outgoing Blair administrations too politically enervated to interfere in other blighted areas of the globe, how can having Kouchner as an Old European spokesman for human rights be a bad thing? He is better traveled than most of his predecessors, and familiar with plenty of third world leaders, including those in Africa, where another genocide is now taking place.
So will he in fact become foreign affairs minister? Probably—if Sarkozy is serious about prioritizing human rights, and if he gets his way. France has always relied on the prestige of its “ideas” to affirm its place in the world. Usually this has meant getting its share of energy resources, be it uranium or oil, and ensuring the continuation of its tourism industry. But it has lost quite a bit of respect and influence after a decade of Chirac’s cynical ultra-conservatism. A bold left-wing foreign minister advocating an internationally mediated solution to the crisis in Darfur, for instance, could prove an invaluable asset to the defective French P.R. machine.
Too Good To Be True? |
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by Michael Weiss, May 17, 2007 |
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Whatever 14 year-old cosmic titan's game of Stratego just made this happen must've felt bad about removing Tony Blair from the board:
PARIS, France (Reuters) -- French President Nicolas Sarkozy is set to pick maverick left-winger Bernard Kouchner as foreign minister, a move that would back up his campaign pledge to put human rights at the heart of France's diplomacy.
Doctor set to be foreign minister - CNN.com
Bayrou Decides |
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by Michael Weiss, April 30, 2007 |
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David A. Bell says defeated French candidate Francois Bayrou's taking a languorous stroll down easy street as the man everyone want on their side:
Bayrou's UDF party (Union for French Democracy) is center-right, not centrist, and it has traditionally formed electoral coalitions with Gaullists, not Socialists. Bayrou himself served in two Gaullist cabinets. But Bayrou wants to destroy Sarkozy, whom he personally loathes, and he hopes to establish himself as leader of a permanent third force in French politics. Nicely for him, playing Hamlet (or Henri IV) allows him to pursue both aims at once.
Sego And Sarko |
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by Michael Weiss, April 23, 2007 |
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A nice match-up, redeeming France from the fetor of 2002, when Le Pen proceeded to round two and the country to final jeopardy. Also, voter turnout was high:
More than 84 percent of France’s 44.5 million registered voters cast ballots, about 13 percentage points higher than five years ago. The lines were so long at some polling stations that they had to stay open beyond their scheduled closing time of 8 p.m.
All signs point to Sarko absorbing Le Pen's 10.5%, with Bayrou as the wildcard.
Thoughts? Francois?
Shvitz Exclusive: The French Connection |
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by François Blumenfeld-Kouchner, April 20, 2007 |
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On Sunday, the French will vote in the first round of their presidential election. The two top candidates will then go on to the second round of the elections, to be held on May 6th. The President is elected by a direct and universal vote for a mandate of five years. The role of the President in the Constitution of the Fifth Republic (1958) is extremely important, as it was pretty much designed for de Gaulle and by de Gaulle.
Jean-Marie Le PenThere are few de jure limitations to the president’s powers, which were traditionally confined to foreign policy matters. The mightiest of those, next to the control of the nuclear weapons (hence the qualification of France as a “Nuclear Monarchy” by some foreign observers), is without doubt the pleins pouvoirs (“full powers,” formally “exceptional powers”), codified by Article 16 of the Constitution, which allows the President, in the event of a national emergency, to suspend the powers of the judiciary and legislature and arrogate them to himself. Article 16 was last effectuated by Chirac during the 2005 riots.
There are 12 candidates in the first round. The two favorites are the Socialist Ségolène Royal and the right-wing’s Nicolas Sarkozy (UMP). Those are the representatives of the two parties that have essentially ruled France since the 1970s, a fact that the smaller candidates keep rehashing from one campaign to the next. The apathy of the voters confronted with no fresh choices and the high abstention rate contributed to the extreme rightist Jean-Marie Le Pen (Front National) success in 2002, when he was able to make it to the second round of the presidential elections. (Le Pen’s not a Holocaust denier, he just thinks the Shoah was “a minor detail in history.”) This year, he still has a chance for the second tour, as do centre-right candidate François Bayrou (UDF), whose national union motif has been a significant competitor in the past few months.
Segolene RoyalRoyal has gained momentum not just from being a woman (she’s the first one to run with a serious chance, but certainly not the first one to run: the extreme left’s Arlette Laguiller ran in every presidential election since 1974), but also from being bashed by the “elephants,” a friendly name given to the apparatchiki of the Socialist party, for being one. “Go back to the kitchen!” they exclaimed, before promptly becoming her faithful supporters when the polls showed her leading.
Low expectations have favored Royal. More popular Socialist candidates, such as Bernard Kouchner, were dismissed from the internal party process a long time ago. Royal’s blunders, including and perhaps especially, those pertaining to foreign affairs, abound. She recently commented that on certain policies, one should really try and work with the (still existent) Taliban government of Afghanistan or have a friendly chat with Hezbollah politicians in Lebanon. Royal’s gaffes aside, the scariest aspect of her campaign is her domestic agenda: she’d like dispatch the army to schools to improve discipline, and require all French homes own and display a French flag on Bastille day. How’s that for socialism with a human face?
Sarkozy is one of the only openly economically liberal candidates in the race (Bayrou a close second). He’s betting that the French do like to work, unlike most people think, and that they need to be encouraged to do so. In the meantime, his track record as Interior Minister is no different from most other right-wing politicians’ holding that post.
Nicolas SarkozyHe has overseen a period of increased violence from the police and bavures (literally, “ink blots,” the familiar name for a murder committed by police officers). Sarkozy’s radically new approach to politics, based on an “Americanized” use of media – including a meretricious parading of his own private life – is also fraught with manipulations. He has apparently been obsessed with political power since the beginning of his career and, like his elders, has not held anything in the way of a real job in his long march to the head of the government.
The most notable characteristic of the other candidates is their extremism. There are at least four or five ideologues on the left (I am including the Communist Party candidate, who would be considered anything but extreme in France, where the political scale seems to be shifted to the left considerably in any case), and the remaining seven or eight are on the right.
José Bové, aside from having an entire chapter dedicated to his case in Claire Berlisnki’s Menace in Europe, and being an ex-con for his supposedly political actions, is faithful to his youth’s training in a Gaddafi terrorist camp. He’s made declarations against Israel, even suggesting that the Mossad organizes suicide bombings against Israeli civilians. But then again, in a country whose President gets a Ramallah street named after him, why should this surprise?
Americans may at this point be asking, “Why will France’s elections affect more than just France?”
France is a nuclear power with a very strong implication in global commerce, although it does not like to admit it. Its “Arab policy” gives it a special role as a mediator in Middle Eastern conflicts, albeit one which has usually moved it towards the defense of its own interests (no oil fields have been discovered there yet) rather than that of values shared with other democracies. None of the candidates in this election supported the war in Iraq, not even the main conservative candidate Nicolas Sarkozy, despite his media-earned nickname of “Sarko l’Américain.”
France is one of the leaders of the European Union, which according to Pierre Lellouche (one of Sarkozy’s friends and a member of the French parliament) provides some 40% of its refined oil to Iran. When asked whether Sarkozy would change the traditional pro-Arab French stance, Lellouche replied, “Yes and no.”
Moreover, the successes of France are balanced with an increasing wealth gap generated by a poor management of the state-based economy, with a chronically high public debt. The extremists, be they on the right or left, represent a large part of the population, and their influence can only grow as the management of France continues to be aimed at appeasing its “élites.”
Why so many candidates? For most of them – think for example of Arlette Laguiller, who has run in every presidential election since 1974 and usually garners about 5% of the votes – there is absolutely no chance of ever reaching the second round. But there is a purpose to this madness: the campaign expenses are reimbursed by the government. This year, all candidates, irrespective of their electoral draw, will receive 803,300 euros, or about $1.1 million, and those who obtain at least 5% of the votes in the first round will receive 10.79 million euros, or about $15 million.
Consider also France’s opposition to the United States of Europe, so much more profound than the notorious British aversion to Maastricht. While Sarkozy, Royal and Bayrou are not directly opposed to the European Union (but still try to recruit those voters who are), the vast majority of the other candidates want to do away with the EU altogether. Europe and the “foreigners” (i.e., non-French citizens) are seen as a threat to the French tradition, whatever that may be.
Plus ça change… Not only have the candidates mostly been engaged in French politics for a longtime, they are also very much opposed to breaking down the traditional lines of division in French politics: be it the main right/left cleavage, or the sectarian divisions of the small extreme-left parties.
A recent call for an union of Royal’s mainstream left with Bayrou’s centre-right was rejected by the Socialist and her camp. This failure to accept a government of ideas rather than one of parties ignores the worrying progression of extremism and violence within the French society (recall the 2005 riots).
While politicians who depend on the current system to make a living pretend that the solutions to all of France problems are readily found in the continuation of its acculturation model (even Sarkozy wants to keep the Fifth Republic running), a general revolt of the French is always possible and even anticipated by the radical candidates. The young Besancenot is a member of the Revolutionary Communist League; Arlette Laguiller’s Workers’ Struggle party’s first measure upon accession to power would be to suppress the elections; Le Pen believes that a “good generalised revolt in the suburbs” would bring him to power instantly.
Under these conditions, it is easy to see why Sarkozy can appeal to many international observers: he is the only candidate who clearly states that good things have happened in other countries, and that France should be inspired by them rather than frightened into a state of small-minded isolation.