Do Jews Have A Special Responsibility To Fight Against Genocide? |
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| And does that responsibility differ for American and Israeli Jews | |
by Shmuel Rosner, June 26, 2008 |
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From: Shmuel Rosner
To: Adam LeBor
Dear Adam,
Thank you for your thoughtful response. The lesson of your experience seems quite obvious: if even someone like yourself, whose instincts (I suspect) are much more pro-UN than mine, has turned skeptical, then the organization is really as useless as I imagined. And the point you've raised regarding its treatment of Israel is but one example of why it should be scrapped, or at least marginalized. Giving it more power will be very costly to Israel, as instead of working to better the world as it should, what I expect the UN to do it is to try and use any power it might obtain to make Israel less secure.
So let us agree (I think we do) on that, and turn to the question of Darfur, and to Jewish-American involvement in trying to make this cause a keystone of using Jewish political power to improve the world.
The
facts are indisputable: Jewish Americans were on the
forefront of the battle to
Scene From The Armenian Genocide: Jews fought against genocide even before the Holocaust save Darfur. If you happened to attend the
largest Washington demonstration for Darfur you couldn't ignore the
fact that although it wasn't a "Jewish" rally, most of the
participants happened to be Jewish. Jewish legislators
(among them the late Tom Lantos) were vocal, Jewish activists were,
well, very active, Jewish organizations were, and still are, making
space for this issue on their agenda.
But what is the reason for all that?
One possible explanation should make all of us very proud: Jews, who suffered the most from genocide, feel compelled to raise their voices against it in every part of the world. They feel they have the moral authority and obligation to do so. And they're right.
But there's also a second possibility (which isn't mutually exclusive from the first): For the past few decades, American Jews were spent most of their political capital on the just cause of securing Israel --- and then got tired of it. They got tired of being seen by some elite groups as particularistic and tribal. They got tired as the cause (Israel) has shifted from being David to being Goliath. And they were looking to prove that American Judaism is not a hostage of the Israel-first school of thought, that it has its own priorities.
This comes out in discussions of Darfur as well as other humanistarian causes. One expression of those sentiments the outrageous letter (former IDF civilian volunteer) Representative Rahm Emanuel (D-IL) sent to Israel's Ambassador in Washington, demanding that Israel be more receptive to Sudanese refugees who reach Israel's borders. Another expression was the denunciation (in which Jewcy played no small part) of the Anti Defamation League after its leader, Abe Foxman, came out in opposition to the Armenian Genocide bill presented to Congress by --- you guessed it --- a Jewish legislator. (The bill was defeated for the very reasons on which Foxman based his opposition, but you didn't hear much criticism of its sponsors and of the leadership of the House when they failed to deliver on their unrealistic pledges).
So you see where I'm going with this --- and I hope the readers will spare me comments blaming me for not caring enough about genocide. I'm happy to see the Jewish community as active as it is in humanitarian causes. I do also think, however, that there's some merit to this niggling question that keeps coming back: Will universalist causes eventually replace Israel as the great political cause of American Jewry?
One
might suspect that domestic considerations are also in play here.
American Jews
Beta Israel: The Jews of Ethiopia were always at the forefront of fighting for the rights
of African-Americans. They were marching alongside Reverend King in
the high days of cooperation between the two communities, but
sometimes along the way the bond between Jews and African Americans
have soured. The Jewish community has been trying to prove, ever since,
that it did not abandon African-Americans for racial
reasons --- hence some of the appeal to Jews of Barack Obama, offers the community the intriguing hope
of repairing those historic relations.
That's why Israelis interpret the intense involvement of American Jews in shaping the policies toward Ethiopian Jews, as being motivated by domestic considerations. The same logic applies to the very active role Jews are playing in trying to help Darfurians. The Jews, arguably, were not as involved as a group during the crisis in the former Yugoslavia. (Interestingly, Ariel Sharon opposed international involvement in the crisis, fearing it would set a dangerous precedent. He anticipated an effort by the countries in control of international organizations hostile to Israel to influence the outcome of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by the use of international force).
And again, this is not an indictment of the Jewish community for acting for the "wrong" reasons. Motivations that lead to the outcome of fighting genocide are all "good". However, I think one should be able to have an honest discussion of such motivations, because other than implicating the just war against genocide, it also raises issues related to the relations between Israel and Diaspora Jews, especially in cases in which the interests of the communities come apart.
Such contradiction was visible in the case of Turkey and the Armenian genocide, when fighting to establish historical truth ran contrary to Israel national interests (and American interests, to judge by the coverage and the outcome). The case the Ethiopian Jews was a similar story of American Jews pressuring Israel to accept more immigrants than it wanted to.
So: we started with the UN and its inability to stop genocide, and we now turn to explore Jewish involvement with stopping genocide. Is there a special Jewish responsibility here? Does it also apply to Israel? And what happens when the preservation of the State of Israel contradict the cause of stopping genocide?
I'm looking forward to your answers.
Best,
Shmuel
"Never Again" Means Stopping Genocide Today, Not Just Remembering |
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by Adam LeBor, June 26, 2008 |
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From: Adam LeBor
To: Shmuel Rosner
Dear Shmuel,
Thanks for your perceptive letter, and I think you are right to move the debate along to explore Jewish responsibility for stopping genocide, if indeed Jews have such a responsibility. But before we go there, let me share with you the latest news from the United Nations, which only confirms my increasing belief that the organization is in a terminal political decline.
Each year the General Assembly, which opens in September, elects a president and twenty-one vice-presidents. The General Assembly is dominated by the G77 group, non-aligned states from the developing world, including many Arab and Islamic nations, which accounts for its obsession with Israel, but let's leave that for the moment. The 2008 President of the General Assembly is Miguel d'Escoto Brockmann, of Nicaragua. Señor d'Escoto Brockmann, a Catholic priest, is a former Sandinista foreign minister. He does not much like the United States and swiftly condemned what he called acts of aggression in Iraq and Afghanistan. So far, so familiar.
Now comes the list
of twenty one vice-presidents. Vice-President of the General
Devastation In Myanmar: The Junta blocked UN aid to its own citizens Assembly
is mainly an honorary position, but still counts for something in the
carefully delineated diplomatic hierarchy of the United Nations. The
VPs include Egypt, Russia and Afghanistan, as well as the United
States and the United Kingdom. And Burma. Yes, Burma. Cyclone-ravaged
Burma, which is ruled by a junta so paranoid and downright evil that
it deliberately obstructed the flow of UN aid to its own
citizens. Burma, which promised Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon
that aid would flow freely after his visit, and then immediately
reneged on that promise. Burma, whose intransigence forced the World
Food Programme, the UN's food agency, to suspend further supplies
while the junta simply confiscated its aid and equipment. Burma,
which obstructed and delayed visas for UN aid workers. Apart perhaps
from North Korea, no other UN government has shown such contempt,
even murderous disregard for its own citizens. No matter, for in the
Alice-in-Wonderland world of the UN General Assembly, Burma's
anti-western credentials make it an honored member.
And this same moral blindness has shaped the United Nations' response to Darfur. I was amazed and depressed to learn, while researching Complicity with Evil, how much reflexive anti-Westernism still shapes international diplomacy there. Colonialism in Africa and Asia ended decades ago, but still shapes the mentality of governments from Jakarta to Algiers. Sudan's greatest defenders at the United Nations are the Arab, Islamic and African blocs, and of course, China, which buys Sudan's oil and so keeps the government in power and funds the genocide. Time and time again, since the crisis in Darfur erupted in spring 2003, Sudan's allies have blocked or watered down attempts by the United States, Britain and France to exert diplomatic pressure on Sudan. (It's fascinating to compare the response of the Arab and Islamic countries at the UN to Bosnia and Darfur. They pressed the West hard to intervene in Bosnia, where Bosnian Muslims were being killed by Serb and Croat Christians. They now try and stymie any attempts to intervene, even diplomatically, where black Muslims are being killed by their own Muslim government.)
So, to a large extent, as you rightly say, it has been left to Darfur lobbying groups, which have a substantial Jewish presence, to take the lead. You ask if Jews have a special responsibility over Darfur? In absolute terms, no. Darfur is the world's responsibility, a moral incumbency no more or less on Jews than anyone else. But perhaps that is mere sophistry. You write that we should feel proud that: "Jews, who suffered the most from genocide feel compelled to raise their voices against such actions in every part of the world. They feel they have the moral authority, and the obligation to do so. And they do." I absolutely agree. While objectively speaking, Jews do not have a special responsibility to combat genocide, they believe they do, and act on it, which should indeed make us proud. (Although it's notable that in my homeland of Britain, Darfur has never become a hot-button issue, neither among Jews nor the wider population.)
I thought your second point was especially interesting: that American Jews got tired of investing all their political capital in supporting Israel. Especially, in my opinion, when it has become impossible to justify Israel's actions in the Occupied Territories, and the endless, creeping wave of settlements and annexations. It seems to me, Shmuel, that you are right, that there is a drift, even a movement away from the Israel-right-or-wrong school of thought and towards a more independent position, which can only be healthy in the long run. But here's an idea: maybe Jews support the 'Save Darfur' campaigns for another reason, so that they can argue that however bad things are in Palestine, they are nowhere near as bad as what is happening in Darfur. Which is true.
You ask what
happens when the preservation of Israel contradicts stopping
genocide.
Yad Vashem: "Never Again" means more than remembering the six million I don't see a contradiction here, at least in today's
world. Such a dilemma, thankfully, has not arisen. But I do think,
that Israel, whose coming into existence was to some extent
accelerated by the Holocaust, has a special responsibility to act
humanely and with compassion towards refugees. I am critical of the
way, for example, that foreign dignitaries are taken to Yad Vashem by
Israeli government ministers. It's good that Yad Vashem exists, but
it should be independent of politics. These visits seem to me an
almost cynical attempt to draw a historical continuum between the
Holocaust and the need to support Israeli government policies. And
considering Israel's patchy record in dealing with refugees from a
current genocide, Darfur, such visits could even be distasteful.
Consider the Prevention of Infiltration Act, which has already passed
a preliminary reading in the Knesset.
It allows the expulsion of refugees without judicial process, and seven year prison sentences for refugees from Sudan. It even allows for 'hot returns,' meaning that Israeli soldiers would force the refugees back over the border into Egypt, to face imprisonment or execution. Israeli soldiers have repeatedly witnessed and testified to how Egyptian troops deal with fleeing Sudanese: they shoot them.
Shmuel, we've covered a lot of ground in this enjoyable and thoughtful exchange, despite its depressing subject matter. But I leave you with this thought about Jews and Genocide. The Holocaust was the determining event in modern Jewish history, and has greatly shaped Israeli identity. But if 'Never Again' means anything, it means not just memorialising the six million, but also trying to stop present day genocides, or at least helping their victims. And that's true in Jerusalem as much as Washington DC.
Yours,
Adam
The West Is Complicit In The Genocide In Darfur |
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by Adam LeBor, June 12, 2008 |
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From: Adam LeBor
To: Shmuel Rosner
Dear Shmuel,
Thanks for your thoughtful response. Once again you raise some good points, the most crucial of which is the Big Question: the United Nations -- Angel or Satan? The case for the prosecution is heavy indeed: Bosnia, Rwanda and now, Darfur. And, as you say, the same mechanisms that prevented, and prevent, any meaningful action on these crises still hampers any decision on Iran. No matter how many times the International Atomic Energy Authority warns that Iran is not co-operating over its nuclear programmes the UN seems powerless to act. Member states -- and especially the five permanent members of the Security Council: the US, Great Britain, Russia, China and France -- still act in accordance with their national interests and realpolitik triumphs over any hazy ideas of humanitarian internationalism. We live in a world of nation-states, and have done so since the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, which set out the principles of territorial integrity and non-intervention.
Except when the opposite suits. Jumping back to Bosnia, you absolutely right to
Treaty Of Westphalia: Where the trouble began point out that "Clinton didn’t really move in the Balkans until he was certain that political damage will be greater if he didn’t act, than the possible damage if he does." By the summer of 1995, it was clear that the daily humiliations that the Bosnian Serbs were meting out to NATO troops were severely damaging the western alliance's credibility and self-respect. Moscow was watching and laughing. Clinton finally pushed to bomb the Bosnian Serbs as much to save NATO as to save Bosnia. And here, once again, the UN's report into Srebrenica, provides an interesting footnote.
The war in Bosnia began in spring 1992. Western powers repeatedly argued that there was no mandate to intervene to stop the killing. But when NATO did finally bomb the Bosnian Serbs, they needed some legal authorisation. They found it in Security Council resolution 836 that mandated UN peacekeepers to "deter attacks" on the safe areas such as Srebrenica. Resolution 836 was passed in June 1993. For two years American, British and other diplomats had argued that this resolution (which they had more or less crafted) did not provide a mandate to intervene in Bosnia. But when NATO's credibility became the key issue -- instead of the lives of starving, ragged, Bosnians -- Resolution 836 was suddenly re-interpreted. A miracle! It did allow for intervention.
The pattern continues today. Let's focus briefly on Darfur as an example. For the past five years Sudan has been carrying out a campaign of genocide in Darfur. And yes, it is genocide. Contrary to popular belief, genocide does not mean mass extermination, either industrial, such as the Holocaust or, by hand, such as happened in Rwanda in 1994. It means the intentional destruction of a group. The group here is the civilian population of Darfur, of whom about 300,000 have been killed, or died of hunger or disease, and more than two million displaced from their homes. This campaign is thoroughly planned and executed by the Sudanese government, using its own armed forces and paramilitaries known as the 'Janjaweed.' Just as happened in the Holocaust, many of the victims die from the decisions of the 'desk-murderers,' in this case the Sudanese officials and ministers who deliberately obstruct relief and medical supplies to the victims.
Meanwhile China bankrolls Sudan, supplies its weapons and military equipment, and keeps the Sudanese economy afloat by buying its oil. The US, and to a lesser extent Britain and France, make a lot of noise about Darfur and the need to stop the killing. Even the Bush administration has talked tough on Darfur. It's to America's credit that unlike in Europe, where the left is obsessed with Israel/Palestine to the exclusion of almost everything else, there is a vocal Darfur solidarity movement. But one not powerful enough to actually influence policy.
The west is complicit in the genocide in Darfur. The key to stopping the slaughter in
Darfur: The west could stop this, but won't Darfur lies in Beijing as much as Khartoum. Western diplomats would have you believe that China is some great, immovable behemoth, impervious to criticism and incapable of altering her policies. That's complete nonsense. China has never been as vulnerable: under the human rights spotlight during the preparations for the Olympics, its coming-out on the world stage.
Now is the time for sustained pressure from the United Nations, to get the peacekeepers into the field, to get the relief supplies to those whose lives depend on them. And for sustained pressure on China to stop bankrolling Sudan. Neither of these are happening. Western governments play safe with China because it is the biggest market in the world. We need to sell to China, sure, but China also needs our computers, aircraft and cars. But tragically, there is no political will to even use the leverage that we have.
Faced with these circumstances it's hard to be optimistic about any kind of meaningful reform of the UN. The new Human Rights Council, which replaced the discredited Human Rights Commission, shows how western concepts of human rights are being ever more marginalised. The council, whose agenda is dominated by Islamic and Arab countries, is obsessed with Israel. Only a handful of resolutions passed at the May 2008 session were concerned with specific countries. Four of these condemned Israel. Sudan, and Burma, for example, got one each.
We can doubtless look forward to more of the same, when, next year, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Cuba take their seats. Increasingly, it seems to me, that the United Nations, which was supposed to unite the world in a drive to protect human rights, is now the forum where human rights abusers find support and sustenance. All of which raises the question of why the west, and the United States in particular, which pays 22 per cent of the UN's budget, keeps funding hate-fests for those states who have diametrically opposed ideas to ours about the meaning of the words 'human rights.' I have always thought the UN could be reformed but increasingly, I am starting to have doubts. Perhaps it's time to start thinking about an "League of Democracies" after all.
Very best,
Adam
No Quick Fix Can Make The UN Work Right |
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by Shmuel Rosner, June 12, 2008 |
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From: Shmuel Rosner
To: Adam LeBor
Dear Adam,
Thank you for your letter. I now see that it was probably an error not to first detail more of the stories highlighted in your book, and only then move to ask the grand-question of "the UN, an angel or Satan."
So now you corrected my structural mistake, and we can go back to this question. You say that you'd first like to see a "a system of internal UN accountability that calls to account those officials involved in the UN’s failures" – but that is not a real answer to my question.
Or maybe it is; if one wants to see more accountability at the UN headquarters, one
Ali Khamenei: Can the UN stop him from going nuclear? can still see the benefit of having the organization function properly. However, this is not an obvious conclusion for the reader of your book. As you rightly blame the permanent five members of the Security Council for failing to meet their duty, you also reveal the incoherence that is inherent to the process necessary to achieving any goal through this paralyzed body.
Consider a problem that we're all familiar with by now, sanctions on Iran. Whether it is wise or not to sanction Iran, whether sanctions can really stop Iran from pursuing its nuclear goals, whether it is even necessary to stop Iran from achieving its goals – all these are beside the point. We are now looking at the mechanism at the heart of every decision reached by the UN, and what you've masterfully detailed in regard to genocide in Rwanda is repeating itself in regard to Iran: an inability to reach a decision and to act upon it decisively that originates with the domestic considerations of the different members, and their conflicting interests in dealing with the world.
In his book A War In A Time Of Peace, the late David Halberstam was quoting an interview with Canadian General Romeo Dallaire – the one commander that was left in the field in Rwanda whom you mention in your letter. "Rarely had a commander at such a tragic venue" writes Haberstam, "been so unsparing of himself, even though his superiors had not listened to his warnings." Here is what Dallaire had to say:
I haven't even started my real mourning of the apathy and the absolute detachment of the international community, and particularly the western world, from the plight of Rwandans. Because fundamentally, to be very candid and soldierly, who the hell cared about Rwanda? I mean, face it. Essentially how many people remember the genocide in Rwanda?... Who comprehends that more people were killed, injured and displaced in three and a half months in Rwanda than in the whole of the Yugoslavian campaign in which we poured sixty thousand troops and the whole of the western world was involved there?
So yes – in theory they are all against murder and rape and violence. I'm sure they are. But you'll have hard time convincing Dallaire that they care enough. Not enough for the Chinese to support a more robust response to stop the atrocities in Darfur, not enough for Russia to stop Slobodan Milosevic, and apparently, not enough for Bill Clinton to support a military response in Rwanda. Washington, wrote Halberstam, "wanted no part of Rwanda. The political fallout from Somalia had caused enough damage."
Damage – political damage at home. And Clinton didn't really move in the Balkans until he was certain that the political damage would be greater if he didn't act, than the possible damage if he did. Political considerations at home were always a decisive factor for any government. When the British government headed by Tony Blair was reluctant to deal with Darfur, you write, "several British members of Parliament began to press the Blair government, which had once proudly announced a new, ethical, foreign policy, on its unwillingness to take a robust stand."
Now, you highlight the fact that careers were not hurt by the failure to prevent
Bill Clinton With Rwandan Children: Ballsy catastrophe, but why would they be if, as you write in the book, "the Secretariat takes its cues from the P5." On the one hand you blame the countries represented at the Security Council, but on the other hand – lacking the means to punish them for their deeds or lack thereof – you want the bureaucrats to pay a price.
So maybe the problem is with the way this system was devised. Maybe we should stop hoping that the UN will somehow miraculously improve, and be more realistic about it. Maybe genocide can only be stopped if someone is willing to pick up the tab and pay the price of stopping it. Maybe sharing the power in a parliament-like world institution is the less efficient way of dealing with the horrors of the world.
And if that is the case – no technical fine-tuning of the way the UN operates can fix the problem. This can only be fixed by an overhaul of the international system. It could be this old-new idea of League of Democracies now promoted by presidential candidate John McCain, or it could be a decision by powerful countries, like the US, or powerful organizations, like NATO, that preventing genocide is a cause important enough as to justify circumventing the UN. This means unilateral action – an idea that was discredited by the Iraq war and that people here have no appetite for.
My grim conclusion will be this: as soon as the next genocide starts to take shape, you can start working on your new book. Unfortunately, it will be very similar to the one you already wrote.
Best,
Shmuel
The UN Can't Stop Genocide; It Can Write Reports |
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by Adam LeBor, June 9, 2008 |
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From: Adam LeBor
To: Shmuel Rosner
Dear Shmuel,
Many thanks for your thoughtful letter. Yes, you are right, Complicity with Evil is a very depressing book. Depressingly compelling, and even essential, I hope. It chronicles the United Nations' failures in Bosnia, Rwanda and, even as you read this, Darfur. So catastrophic are these that we may rightly ask what is the point of the United Nations' continued existence? It was founded by the Allies in 1945, in the shadow of the Holocaust, and with the noblest of ideals, as its charter details: to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war" and "reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights." The United Nations’ key documents—the Charter, Universal Declaration of Human Rights and genocide convention—are the most advanced formulation of human rights in history. And they have been flouted by UN member states for decades.
Much of the blame for the UN's failures in Rwanda and Bosnia lies with the
Kofi Annan: Preferred "neutrality" to stopping genocide permanent five members of the Security Council: the United States, Great Britain, Russia, China and France—the victors of the Second World War. If they had wanted to stop the slaughter, they could have. Was there any more shameful decision in modern American history than President Clinton's demands that the UN actually pull out the 2,500 UN peacekeepers deployed in Rwanda in early 1994? None of whom were even American? After pressure from the Clinton administration just 250 remained, under the command of the Canadian General Romeo Dallaire.
To understand these tragic events we need to peer inside the UN building in NYC and examine the role of the Secretariat, the body of permanent officials who advise and serve the member states—for as you say, the devil is in the details. Secretariat officials often claim to be impartial. But they are not. And I wanted to investigate how, in the age of mass communications and transport, two genocides occurred: one lasting months, in Rwanda, and one that just took a few days, in Srebrenica, and how we—the world—could stand by and do nothing. No one involved can say they did not know; both genocides took place where the United Nations had deployed both peacekeepers and relief workers, in regular contact with their headquarters in New York.
Many of the answers were quite easy to find in the United Nations' own reports into Rwanda and Srebrenica. The reports on the UN's role in the genocides in Rwanda and Srebrenica are in the public domain; they are extremely detailed, offering a day to day, sometimes hour by hour, chronology account of these grisly events. The United Nations is no good at stopping genocide but its officials are skilled at recounting and explaining its failures. The Rwanda report details the decisions made by Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) officials in New York, led by Kofi Annan, then DPKO chief. It shows how his and his colleagues' obsession with guarding the UN's neutrality—rather than enforcing the humanitarian principles on which the organisation was founded—was part of the chain of events that led to the deaths of 800,000 people.
By January 1994 General Romeo Dallaire, the commander of UNAMIR, the UN peacekeepers in Rwanda, had received detailed information about the planned mass murder of Tutsis from a source inside the Hutu militia, known as "Jean-Pierre." General Dallaire asked the DPKO for authorisation to raid the Hutu arms caches. On January 11 he cabled New York: "Since UNAMIR mandate the informant has been ordered to register all Tutsi in Kigali. He suspects it is for their extermination. Example he gave was that in 20 minutes his personnel could kill up to 1000 Tutsis." Annan's office replied, in a cable signed by his deputy, Iqbal Riza: "No reconnaissance or other action, including response to request for protection, should be taken by UNAMIR until clear guidance is received from Headquarters." When Dallaire repeated his request, Annan again refused. "The overriding consideration is the need to avoid entering into a course of action that might lead to the use of force and unanticipated repercussions," his cable concluded.
Srebrenica was one of five UN-declared 'safe areas' in Bosnia, islands of besieged,
The UN's Disgrace In Rwanda government-controlled territory, surrounded by the Bosnian Serbs. The term had been agreed after much finely-calibrated diplomatic wrangling in the Security Council, but was meaningless. The Serbs launched their final attack early on Thursday 6 July 1995 and Srebrenica fell the following Tuesday. UN commanders refused the Dutch peacekeeper's repeated requests for air-strikes—on one occasion because they had completed the form incorrectly. It was common knowledge at the DPKO in New York that Srebrenica was not viable. DPKO officials had even been briefing the UN press corps that something might happen. They said that the Serbs might attack the southern part of the enclave, and attempt to capture a road. So it was not surprising that initially, the Serb attack on Srebrenica caused few ripples at the half-empty DPKO office.
Despite the judicious leakings, Annan was away as the Serbs advanced. So was Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali, traveling in Africa. Shashi Tharoor, the DPKO team leader on Yugoslavia, was on leave. So was General Rupert Smith, the British commander of peacekeepers in Bosnia. On Saturday July 8, Boutros-Ghali, Annan, General Smith, and other senior UN officials met in Geneva. They barely discussed Srebrenica. Incredibly, they sent General Smith back on leave. By the time Shashi Tharoor finally returned to his desk on the Monday, Srebrenica had virtually fallen. The killing started immediately and over the next few days up to 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys were slaughtered by the Bosnian Serbs.
None of which hindered the careers of any of the DPKO officials. Annan, as we know, served two terms as secretary general. Shashi Tharoor was repeatedly promoted, and with Annan's behind the scenes backing, nearly succeeded him as secretary general. Iqbal Riza, who signed off the cable to General Dallaire, became Annan's chief of staff, one of the most influential positions in the UN. So in answer to your question, Shmuel, as to whether I would like a more efficient UN, or a more robust response to genocide from countries like the US, I would first of all like to see a system of internal UN accountability that calls to account those officials involved in the UN's failures. And one which stops promoting them.
Very best,
Adam
Is There Any Hope For The UN To Do Good? |
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| Or should we just scrap it? | |
by Shmuel Rosner, June 9, 2008 |
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In researching Complicity with Evil, Adam LeBor discovered that the three great killing fields of the last decade—Bosnia, Rwanda, and Darfur—were not only ravaged by murderous convulsions (still ongoing in the case of Darfur), but abetted in doing so by the appalling negligence of the United Nations, which sat idle without shutting the killing fields down. LeBor's bleak conclusion is that the UN, at present, is simply incapable of fulfilling its foundational obligation to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war." Shmuel Rosner, Haaretz's chief U.S. correspondent, has seen his share of war-zones as well, and explores the questions of genocide, the duty to stop evil, and the legitimacy of international institutions with LeBor in the dialogue below.
From: Shmuel Rosner
To: Adam LeBor
Dear Adam,
That is one depressing book.
Complicity with Evil you call it, but it is also complicity with hypocrisy, with
Mass Graves At Srebrenica cynicism. "The United Nations in the age of modern genocide" is an example of complicity with mediocrity. Your book is the story of an institution incapable of doing the one task that is important enough to justify its less than obviously justified existence. A depressing book. I will recommend it to anyone who's still idealistic enough, or naïve enough, or stupid enough, to think that the United Nations has the power of moral authority. Amazingly, I do meet such people from time to time.
This story has been told before in many ways. How the world failed to defend the people of Srebrenica, and the people of Rwanda, and the people of Darfur. Samantha Power, in her masterful work, A Problem From Hell, was pointing at America and asking, essentially, the questions you're asking now. Her work was extraordinary, but I find yours more persuasive in at least one respect. That is, one can claim that America has no duty to stop all evil, and that its policies are justifiably aimed at maximizing American interests. But one can not say the same of the United Nations.
You make this point right at the beginning of this book: "If the United Nations, whose very raison d'être is the maintenance of international peace and security, does not bare some responsibility for failing to stop the slaughters… than who does?"
The power of this book is the way it assembles the details, the everyday decisionsRwanda's Killing Fields that made genocide possible. "Bosnia could not be saved because it was small and mountainous. Darfur cannot be saved because it is large and flat." A couple of months ago, writing for Slate about Darfur, I angered some activists by stating that "The campaign to save Darfur is alive, but it is no longer kicking. You could say that it has achieved all its stated goals: public awareness, international pressure, congressional action, the administration's involvement. Well, all but one: The crisis in Darfur is not yet solved, and the campaign to save Darfur is running out of options."
Sadly, I do not see a reason to change even one word in that paragraph. But after reading your book I now understand even better why this campaign—to save Darfur—was probably doomed to fail before it even started.
When I was interviewing President Bush in mid May at the Oval Office, one of the questions he was asked referred to recent events in Lebanon: "We have in place U.N. resolutions, Security Council resolutions that were meant to deal with the problem of Hezbollah. Nevertheless, it has not seemed to help." Unfortunately, only by translating the President's body language to words can one convey his response. "If you're going to pass a resolution, you better mean it," he said. In the case of Lebanon—a country suffering from the aggression of Hezbollah, but that cannot be compared to a country in which a genocide in taking place—the UN has proved incompetent. In many ways, this incompetence is no different in nature than the ones you describe in your book. The UN is hesitant whenever there's an aggressor involved, whenever there's a threat of violence involved. The UN can only keep the peace in places of—well—relative peace.
But here is the question I have for you, the expert on UN incompetence. It is actually
Remnants Of Darfur a dilemma on which I also wrote in the past. Reading your book, one might conclude that what the world needs is a more vigorous, more determined world body. But I have my doubts, and the reason is simple: I do not believe such body will be more moral—and if I do not trust it to be more moral, why would I want it to be more competent?
Here is the way I framed it, writing to an Israeli audience about the Security Council, Lebanon and Iran:
A powerful and effective Security Council is a double-edged sword. More than once in the past Israel benefited from the fact that the council did not press for the implementation of resolutions less favorable to it. The U.S. administration, which has a complex relation with the UN and its institutions as well, also faces a similar dilemma… Use the Security Council for your needs, but do not seek to make it more powerful than necessary so that it will not turn around and bite you.
So: this will be my question for this first session of our dialogue: Do you want a more efficient UN, or would you prefer a more robust response against genocide from countries like the US, while giving up on this righteous-UN idea once and for all?
Best,
Shmuel
Africans In Israel: Immigration Issue or Human Rights Disaster? |
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| Darfurians are just the tip of the iceberg | |
by Tamar Fox, May 9, 2008 |
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You Don't Have To Go Home: but you can't stay here?At Slate, Emily Bazelon recently explored the rarely-discussed issue of African immigrants in Israel, noting that PM Ehud Olmert has complained about how many Africans sneak into Israel every year—a situation that raises issues of immigration, religion, economics, and infrastructure. These Africans are Christians and Muslims, which means they’re not eligible for Israeli citizenship, but Israel won’t extradite them back to their home countries because of their potential persecution for being affiliated with a Jewish State.
Many are sent to detention centers, where they languish doing manual labor in poor conditions, and others are sent to Tel Aviv, where they end up living near the bus station, in slumlike conditions that may be worse than the refugee camps they’ve fled in Africa.
Of course, this is nothing new: We previously posted about Darfurian refugees who were imprisoned when they arrived in Israel, because Sudan is technically an Arab country. After sneaking in via Egypt, they were kept on army bases, or put under house arrest on kibbutzim in the North while the Israeli government tried to figure out where to send them.
We also let you know when, more than a year later, 600 Darfurian refugees were granted temporary residency, and 2,000 illegal immigrants from Eritrea were granted work permits when it was made clear that their lives would be in danger if they were sent back to Eritrea.
I initially heard about this problem firsthand when an Israeli friend, who recently returned from his reserve duty in the Sinai desert, told me about the time he spent guarding the border with Egypt. He said some nights they caught as many as fourteen Africans in twelve hours, all trying to sneak into Israel. From Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, and the Ivory Coast, many of them sought out the Israeli soldiers, who “arrested” them, which entails having them checked out by doctors, given food, and sent to detention centers. In search of safety and well-paying jobs, hundreds of Africans attempt to cross into Israel via Sinai every year.
According to my friend, many are killed by guards on the Egyptian side of the border.
Israel likes to brag about reaching out to other communities in need after natural disasters and taking in Vietnamese boat people, but ultimately, Israel can’t and shouldn’t be the place that the huddled masses of the world turn to for good jobs and opportunities. I’m not one of those people who constantly worries about the survival of the Jewish State, and I’m not suggesting that illegal African refugees are somehow going to take over the country, but I’m not sure the current policy does enough to deter Africans from risking their lives and illegally entering a country that already has its proverbial plate-full of problems. Of course, those who make it in shouldn’t just be shipped back to their homes countries—that accomplishes little, and is inevitably expensive and politically problematic. Instead there should be a more organized policy for dealing with the border and, if necessary, Israel can grant more temporary work visas to bring African workers in legally, for a limited amount of time.
Wait a second. Did I just join the Republican party?
The Beijing Olympics Are Like Berlin in 1936 All Over Again |
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by Thomas C Laird, April 9, 2008 |
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Protesters in London: express their feelings for the Party
As the Chinese Communist Party attempts to shove its Olympic Flame down the world’s throat, it is encountering something it finds shocking: Resistance it cannot shoot. Protesters against the Party’s recent massacres in Tibet have hindered the Olympic Flame in London and Paris. Today the “Grab the Torch” game moves to San Francisco. Party hacks are responding to protesters with outrage and hubris. They have branded those who freely express their opinions through protest as “vile.”
“No force can stop the torch relay of the Olympic Games,” Sun Weide, spokesman for the Beijing organizing committee, said in Beijing on April 9. Oh, really? No force? Rather confident, are we? No surprise here: The Party does not respect the power of democracy; it does not recognize its legitimacy, thus it does not exist.
In fact, citizens of France and England did stop the torch relay in their countries through massive public protests. These protests are expressions of a growing tide of outrage that the Chinese Communist Party was invited to host the 2008 Olympics in the first place. There is a growing sense that if the Beijing Olympics must go forward at all, they should be used to expose the nature of the dictators in Beijing. The major issue for anyone who believes in democracy is simple: This is not about the games, it’s about democracy; the protests are not against the great nation of China, they are against the Chinese Communist Party. Now, in light of recent and continuing massacres in Tibet, the goals and methods of the Party have been exposed yet again.
But If You Go Carrying Pictures of Chairman Mao: you ain't gonna make it with anyone anyhow. Why are citizens of democracies allowing the largest mass murderer in human history to wrap itself in the Olympic Flag? You cannot blame the Party. The Party is simply doing what it has always done. It is currently mounting its largest propaganda effort ever. In the past, the Party mounted such campaigns only in China: Let a Hundred Flowers Bloom, The Great Leap Forward, and so on. For those of us outside of China, there are two essential aspects to these campaigns:
So, what's the Party’s Olympic propaganda campaign all about? The Party wants to convince its own people that it is the legitimate ruler of China. It wants them to forget Tiananmen. It wants to make them ignore what the Party is doing now (and has done for 50 years) in Tibet. It is using propaganda in China to convince Chinese that Tibetan thugs were murdering poor Chinese in Lhasa, and the party had to crack down on them. The Party wants Chinese—and supporters of democracy around the world—to recognize that it is the legitimate ruler of China, even though it has acquired its power by mass murder, and has never been freely supported by those whom it rules.
The Party's Answer to Student Protest: tiananmen square, 1989
Modern nations—a status to which China aspires—recognize that legitimacy cannot be conferred by force of arms. The founding principle of modern democracy is that a government acquires legitimacy from the will of the people, as expressed through free elections. There is no substitute for a popular mandate. It is the only currency of political legitimacy. Any régime that acquires and maintains political power through the barrel of a gun—as Chairman Mao so famously expressed it—is ipso facto illegitimate.
The sad fact that all athletes preparing to compete in Beijing must recognize is this: When you hold up your medal, you are pinning it onto the chest of the Chinese Communist Party. You are helping the Party convince its own people that it's rule has legitimacy. You are helping the Party hide the facts of history from its own people, and the people of the world.
The facts of history are plain to see. The Party executed up to 3 million small landlords in 1953. The rational was simple: You cannot make an omelet without cracking a few eggs. They could not establish communism in China, and they could not create economic equality amongst all classes, until the petty bourgeois were murdered. That was just one of many such propaganda campaigns, which went on for decades. At least 30 million (and perhaps as many as 70 million) people died to establish the ideals of communism in China. How has that worked out? Well, today the Communist Party has dropped Communism as a realistic ideal. State-managed capitalism and crony capitalism are now the driving engine of China’s march to super-power status. The Party serves as the slave master for foreign corporations: Our shoes are cheap in America because the Party forces Chinese to work without free unions.
Hitler at the Olympics: Berlin, 1936
Hosting the Olympics is the Chinese Communist Party’s conscious attempt to confer legitimacy to its rule, methods, and goals. It seeks legitimacy in China and around the world. Sound familiar? The Nazi Party tried this in 1936. Western athletes who claim we must not taint the Olympics with politics are speaking from ignorance or self-interest. Is that what they would have said to homosexuals and Gypsies who were already being rounded up by the Nazis, even as the world gathered to celebrate the 1936 Olympics in Berlin? Is that what they would have said to German Jews, in 1936, who though not yet being arrested, were already forbidden to enter stores or restaurants?
Just what part of “Never Again” do those in Europe and America, who accept the Party’s Olympic propaganda campaign, not understand? Samantha Power has quoted author David Rieff's suggestion that, "'Never again' might best be defined as 'Never again will Germans kill Jews in Europe in the 1940's.'” I suggest that “never again” means we cannot allow the Party—already guilty of mass murder in Tibet and China—to host the Olympics even as it supports genocide in Sudan and Burma.
That’s the Party that is just dying to meet you in Beijing: A Party that is even now massacring Tibetans, once again, while our governments do nothing. The Party is doing the same thing it has been doing for the last 50 years, and with the Olympics on the horizon, the situation bears an increasingly eerie resemblance to Berlin in 1936.
Time to stand up and be counted.
What You Can Do
Start A Conversation: When you buy a pair of shoes, explain to the clerk that you need them to help you find a pair that were not made in China. They will ask why, and you can explain that the Chinese shoes are cheap because the Chinese Communist Party:
If You Had to Walk a Mile in Tibetan Shoes: you'd definitely boycott the Party
This education process can work in any store. Educate yourself about why Chinese goods are so cheap. When you go to Whole Foods, and cannot find frozen edamame except from China, ask to see the Manager. Explain to them why you will not buy the edamame from China, and ask why Whole Foods is not supporting American farmers.
Whenever you have time, every purchase, in every store, can be a moment to spread the facts about the Party. The real strength of a democracy is educated citizens.
Protest: If you're in San Francisco, you can protest against the Olympic Torch.
Get involved with Students for a Free Tibet and join in some of their actions.
The Story of Tibet: the first-ever history of Tibet written with a Dalai Lama Educate Yourself: Thomas Laird worked with the Dalai Lama over the past ten years to write a popular history of Tibet. The Story of Tibet: Conversations with The Dalai Lama is the first-ever history of Tibet written with a Dalai Lama. This is required reading if you want to know what’s happening in Tibet and China during this Olympic year. You can read reviews of the book and a sample chapter here.
Laird contributed interviews to this interesting Australian radio piece on Chinese and Tibetan History.
You can also hear him n the Paula Gordon show, and on WHYY, Philly.
Watch this chilling, detailed, covertly-made documentary about what the Party is doing in Tibet.
One of the most amazing video reports about the recent protests in Tibet is here.
China Tibet War on Youtube:
See The Party version of history and recent events here.
Watch a rebuttal here.
Keep abreast of Tibetan news here.
Here is a story to start with: The Party thugs who are providing security to the running of the Olympic Flame through the streets of San Francisco were selected from a special unit of the People’s Liberation Army. This same unit is used to suppress Tibetans in Tibet. Imagine that Nazi Party Brown Shirts were running an Olympic Flame through a US City in 1936. That’s what’s happening as we sit and watch. See the facts, here.
Ask yourself: Who made the decision that it was okay for these thugs be on the ground in a US city? Find out, and protest directly to them. What message does that send to the Party? That their actions in Tibet are legitimate?
Links to Follow:
Tibet Justice Center
Students for a Free Tibet
International Campaign for Tibet
International Tibet Support Network
Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy
Human Rights in China
Today in Terrifying Ad Campaigns |
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| New ads promote social justice, scare the crap out of people | |
by Jessica Miller, April 8, 2008 |
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Headed Towards Your House!: Oh wait, just kidding
Introducing the newest trend in social justice: the
terrifying ad campaign. Social justice organizations are out to get your
attention, and they’re willing to scare the crap out of you in the process.
Let’s take the new series of ads being run by the American
Jewish Committee for example. Imagine you are sitting down to a nice, relaxing
dinner at home. You’re in the mood
for some good classical music, so you switch on WQXR, the most notoriously
non-offensive public radio station in New York. After a lovely set of tunes, it’s time for a word from the
sponsors. You hear, “Imagine you had 15 seconds to find shelter from an incoming
missile. Fifteen seconds to locate your children, help an elderly relative,
assist a disabled person to find shelter…” Whoa!
You’re about to duck and cover
under your kitchen table in fear when you catch the rest of the ad: “That's all
the residents of Sderot and neighboring Israeli towns have. Day or night, the
sirens go on. Fifteen seconds later, the missiles, fired from Hamas-controlled
Gaza, hit . . . Their aim is to kill and wound and demoralize . . . This is
what Israelis experience daily.”
How scary is this ad? Scary enough for WQXR to pull
it. The station’s general
manager Tom Bartunek has explained this decision, saying the ad was “outside
our bounds of acceptability. First, the opening line . . . does not make clear
that the potential target of the missile is not our listening area, and as a
consequence, runs the risk of raising anxiety in a misleading way.”
Unfortunately, AJC spokesman
Michael Geller does not feel the same way. He says, "It's unbelievable. At the end of the day,
WQXR listeners are interested in Israel.”
The AJC has terminated its contract with the station, maintaining the
statement, “It's a shame, but we can't allow ourselves to be edited on a
whim." At least from now on
WQXR listeners will be able to sleep easy.
Watch Out, Riders!: You never know when the Nazis might attackThe terrifying ad campaign is not
limited to conservative classical music channels. Let’s take this scenario over
to MTV. Imagine you’re catching up with your favorite “characters” on the Hills
when the broadcast is interrupted by one of these ads. They start out with
ordinary people in an ordinary situation -- watching TV or riding the subway.
But things quickly start to go awry: The people get rounded up by scary men
with guns and flashlights until everyone on screen is rearranged into a
snapshot from a Nazi concentration camp and the words “The Holocaust happened
to people like us” appears in bold on the screen.
Now, unlike WQXR, MTV would have no trouble running an ad for condoms or hemorrhoid cream. Even so, these ads are a bit much.
The most upsetting part? They never even say what they are for. You wouldn’t know it by watching, but these commercials are MTV’s way of getting introducing its youngster demographic with the discrimination and genocide going on in Darfur. Unfortunately, this connection is only made by going to the prescribed website…and then searching around a little bit. Instead, the viewer is left shaking in her little Ugg boots thinking that the modern day Gestapo is about to bust through her living room door.
Jews in the News, a Weekly Roundup |
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by Tamar Fox, March 28, 2008 |
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Sudanese Refugees in Israel Granted Temporary Residency |
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| Free at last! | |
by Tamar Fox, February 27, 2008 |
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Rally in israel: to support Sudanese refugees
A while back we told you about the plight of Sudanese refugees who had arrived in Israel via Egypt. They were jailed, stuck on army bases, or placed under house arrest on kibbutzim while the Israeli government tried to find other countries to send them to in coordination with the United Nations High Commission for Refugees. Sudan is considered an enemy country, so Sudanese refugees aren’t eligible for asylum in Israel.
Thanks in large part to intense lobbying by NGOs, Knesset members, and people like Elie Wiesel and Aliza Olmert--the prime minister's wife--these refugees are now newly free, and are official residents of the Jewish state: More than 600 Sudanese refugees from Darfur have been granted temporary residency in Israel. Israel also gave work permits to about 2,000 refugees from Eritrea whose lives would be endangered if sent home.
Tempering this happy news is the report that Prime Minister Ehud Olmert has directed authorities to expel 4,500 Africans, including people from Ivory Coast, Ghana and Nigeria, by the end of the week. Olmert's office declined to discuss the expulsion order, but it’s going to be difficult to locate the immigrants, who are likely scattered around the country, and even more difficult to figure out where to send them. Human rights groups are afraid that if sent back to a Muslim country, they will be persecuted for spending time in a Jewish state.
Related: Sudanese Refugees in Israel
Spielberg, What Took You So Long? |
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by Helen Jupiter, February 14, 2008 |
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ET Gives Spielberg: a talking toIt was so disappointing when, back in April 2006, Steven Spielberg joined the art advisory team for the 2008 Beijing Olympics. I remember being struck by the double standards inherent in his action: A man whose films include Schindler's List and Munich, and who had created the Shoah Foundation, was willingly entering the employ of an authoritarian regime known for its oppression of religious and spiritual groups, political activists, and
of course, Tibetans. Religious rights and freedom of expression are
just two issues on the long list of Chinese human rights abuses. And then there's China's involvement in Darfur.
We live in a world that still grapples with the Holocaust; indeed—a world in which Holocaust survivors remain (albeit in dwindling numbers) to share their testimonies. We have seen the kind of suffering that victims of the Holocaust endured repeated again and again in the sixty years since—in Cambodia, East Timor, Guatemala, Rwanda, and Sudan. You'd think we would have learned a long time ago from the global mistake of the Armenian Genocide, which kicked off the bloody 20th Century and set the world stage for what was to come. Spielberg's choice to creatively support the Olympic games in China seemed to imply that he'd learned only to value money over humanity.
His decision, finally, to protest Beijing's support for Sudan by resigning from the Olympics team is late, but heartening.
Related: Jewcy's Darfur Coverage
The Chinese Morning Edition |
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by Abe Greenwald, December 27, 2007 |
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The Sierra Leone political activist Zainab Bangura recently said, “People say China is a sleeping giant, but it’s wide awake. It’s the elephant creeping up behind us. Only, it’s so big we can scarcely see it moving.”
That the editorial staff of the International Herald Tribune failed to see the elephant squat across the cover of their print publication this morning is an inexcusable disgrace. The paper ran this morbid headline “Hunger outpaces UN efforts in Darfur” right next to this cheery one “Chinese products change lives for neighbors” without the slightest hint of connection, let alone irony. Anyone who pays attention to world affairs for a living should know that the why? raised by the first headline is directly answered by the second one.
The five-years-and-counting genocide in Darfur owes its longevity (and apparently recent up-tick in child malnutrition) to the protective interest of Chinese capitalism. Every UN effort at intervention has faced either a de-clawing at Chinese insistence or the threat of a Chinese veto. This covers five Security Council resolutions aimed at disarming the Khartoum regime, imposing sanctions on them, or sending forces into the region to protect civilians. Consider Resolution 1706, for example, which:
authorized more than 20,000 U.N. peacekeepers and civilian police to protect civilians and humanitarian workers in Darfur. China abstained, and would have vetoed the measure had language not been inserted that “invited” the consent of the Khartoum regime. The National Islamic Front declined the “invitation” and refused to accept the U.N. peacekeeping force.
China’s motivation in all this can’t get any more basic: they have astronomically lucrative oil deals with the Sudanese government. These asymmetrical contracts permit China to suck the country dry of reserves claimed as their exclusive property in exchange for their promised veto. What’s more is that the oil relationship has fostered a secondary arrangement whereby the Sudanese government has contracted Chinese companies (many state-subsidized) to build bridges, roads and other infrastructure that facilitate the extraction and export of their purchased oil. Most sickening is that China’s not merely content to protect their death squad business partners in the UN; they also sell them the very weapons used in the ongoing slaughter. (At one time I could have sworn there was an army of Americans for whom “No Blood For Oil” seemed a mission statement. I’ve yet to see them or their placards swarm Union Square for an anti-China rally.)
That’s China, but what about the rest of the UN? From the first Tribune story: “For the first time since 2004, the malnutrition rate, a gauge of the population's overall distress, has crossed what UN officials consider to be the emergency threshold.” A non-stop massacre has been running longer than the television series Lost and the UN just decided that it’s an emergency. The story goes on, “As a result, people in Darfur are beginning to lose hope, and that may be another factor taking a toll on their health, several aid officials said.” That reminds me of a line from Jimmy Breslin’s comic mobster novel, The Gang That Couldn’t Shoot Straight: "He died of natural causes as his heart stopped suddenly when six men stuck knives into it."
What does this have to do with China’s “life-changing” products? The knives that China’s stuck into Darfur contribute to what’s known as the “China Price.” This is the low, low manufacturing cost China’s able to maintain and use to lure foreign investment. According to Business Week, “In general, it means 30% to 50% less than what you can possibly make something for in the U.S.” Obtaining their natural resources from countries that others refuse to patronize is one of the many unscrupulous ways that China keeps costs down. This contributes to their ability to sell cheap goods to their neighbors. From the second Tribune story:
Cheap Chinese products are flooding China's southern neighbors and consumers in Myanmar, Laos, Vietnam and Cambodia are laying out the welcome mat.
The products are transforming the lives of some of the poorest people in Asia, whose worldly possessions only a few years ago typically consisted of not much more than a set or two of clothes, cooking utensils and a thatch-roofed house built by hand.
The article is positively celebratory. It does allow this: “The enthusiasm for Chinese goods here is tempered by one commonly heard complaint: maintenance problems.” Well, there are a few more complaints. Aside from the Darfur genocide, here’s what else goes into the production of cheap Chinese goods: industrial slavery, intellectual piracy, environmental catastrophe, and an absolute disregard for health and safety standards.
China is indeed awake. As for the staff of The International Herald Tribune –it’s hard to say. The paper is a hodgepodge of international stories, and is presented as a resource for the global community. In that way it’s sort of the United Nations of newspapers. Which explains everything.
Social Justice Tuesday: Somalia Sucks |
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by Tamar Fox, November 20, 2007 |
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There’s an article in today’s New York Times about how the current situation is probably worse than the current situation in Darfur.
Somalia: needs some aid
United Nations officials said the recent round of plagues, natural and man-made, coupled with the residual chaos that has consumed Somalia for more than a decade, have put the country on the brink of famine. In the worst-hit areas, like Afgooye, recent surveys indicate the malnutrition rate is 19 percent, compared with about 13 percent in Darfur; 15 percent is considered the emergency threshold.
The officials, in making the comparison, were not trying to diminish the problems in Darfur, where more than 200,000 people have died from violence and disease since 2003. But they said they were concerned that the crisis here was increasingly urgent.
Unlike Darfur, where the suffering is being eased by a billion-dollar aid operation and more than 10,000 aid workers, Somalia is still considered mostly a no-go zone. Just last week, a Somali aid worker and a guard were shot to death at an aid distribution center in Afgooye. United Nations officials estimate that total emergency aid is under $200 million, partly because it is so difficult just getting food into the country.
Almost all the cab drivers in Nashville are Somalian, so I’ve learned a lot about Somalia in the past year or so, and though my friends in yellow cars swear it’s a wonderful country, it sounds pretty shitty right about now. Of course it’s incredibly important to keep lobbying for more aid and intervention in Darfur, but it looks like there’s just as much work to be done in Somalia. To help out, consider donating to the International Medical Corp’s Somalian effort, or you can contact the American Jewish World Service, who have a huge Save Darfur campaign, and ask them to give some attention and resources to Somalia, too. And it never hurts to contact your Senator and let him or her know what’s bugging you about foreign policy.
Maybe it’s just because of my Somalian friends, but I feel like it’s time to make some noise for 19 percent of Somalians who are too weak to do much of anything.
Muslim Opinion and U.S. Foreign Policy |
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by Michael Weiss, November 19, 2007 |
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The Cabal's own Jamie Kirchick has an excellent editorial in the L.A. Times about basing U.S. interventionism on the whims of so-called "Muslim opinion." (If this had any legitimacy whatsoever, John Zogby should be our next secretary of state. And good thing he's Lebanese.)
A Pew Global Attitudes poll released during the summer revealed that the majority of people in eight out of 10 African countries believe that the United States is their "most dependable ally." More important, the poll found that most Africans fault the United States for not taking a more active role in Darfur. Continuing to avoid intervention there to please the "Muslim street," therefore, will make us less popular with Africans. You cannot please everybody all the time, and in the case of Darfur, intervening will endear us to the people actually living in the region.
To be sure, global public opinion should play some role in shaping our foreign policy. But at the end of the day, the value of U.S. action abroad is not determined by the opinions of those most likely to "take offense," but rather by the inherent rightness or wrongness of the action. Especially where genocide is concerned, the opinions of various "streets" are totally superseded by the moral imperative of putting an end to the killing. And if we're going to judge our interventions based on the criteria of "public opinion" at all, we should first and foremost consider the views of the intended beneficiaries.
Free Screening of Darfur Now |
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by Izzy Grinspan, November 9, 2007 |
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Calling all New York Jewcers: This Saturday night, the American Jewish Committee is hosting a free screening of the documentary Darfur Now. If you’re interested, RSVP to darfurnow@yahoo.com and we’ll hook you up, but act fast—we’ve only got room for the first 30 people.
When: Saturday November 11 at 10:30 PM
Where: The Angelica theater, 18 W. Houston St (at Mercer St)
RSVP: darfurnow@yahoo.com
Learn more at Participate.net.
Blood on the Sinai |
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by Jamie Kirchick, October 2, 2007 |
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In a scene reminiscent of a Cold War-era, East-Berlin border crossing attempt, the crack Egyptian army last week murdered an Eritrean man trying to cross the border into Israel. The Egyptian government detained 4 others.
Egypt is not entirely to blame for this violent response. Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, to his everlasting shame, has asked Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak to increase patrols along the Sinai border with Israel so as to prevent an influx of African refugees, many of them fleeing the chaos of Darfur or the ongoing conflict in the Horn of Africa between Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia. So much for Israel being a light among the nations, a city upon a hill, and all that jazz...
Nevertheless, it would be nice if the Egyptians showed the same concern for the inviolability of national boundaries and the dangers of illegal immigration, say, when it comes to Hamas militants trying to smuggle themselves into the Gaza Strip. On Monday Israel complained to Egypt over the latter's aiding and abetting the safe passage of at least 80 Hamas members--many of them senior officials--into Jihadistan-on-the-Mediterranean. Egypt has control over the major crossing points into Israel following a 2005 agreement brokered by the American government.
This is not the first time Egypt has killed refugees trying to sneak into Israel. According to Ha'aretz:
"The third refugee began to climb the border fence and the IDF soldiers tried to pull him to the Israeli side. When the Egyptians resumed shooting, the IDF soldiers let go of the refugee, who was caught by the Egyptians. The IDF soldiers then witnessed the Egyptian police beat the injured refugee to death."
So the IDF is collaborating in the capture of, and silently witnessing the murders of, dis