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Words At Night With Bassam Aramin

  "You caught me!" Bassam Aramin says.   He is not pleased to be caught. I am not pleased to have caught him.   I called him for an interview. He told me to meet him at the Hebron Gate, … Read More

By / September 16, 2008

 

"You caught me!" Bassam Aramin says.

 

He is not pleased to be caught. I am not pleased to have caught him.

 

I called him for an interview. He told me to meet him at the Hebron Gate, where he knew he would not be. I have been waiting for him at the New Gate, by Notre Dame, where there is an anti-occupation rally going on. "Give me a half hour," he says, "and I will talk to you."

 

Time was once taken away from Aramin, in big chunks. For raising a Palestinian flag in the eighties. For throwing a hand grenade at Israeli soldiers. Seven years of jail time, uninterrupted political time, tactical refinement time.Time these days is still not separated from the Israelis. After we talk, he will travel to Tel Aviv to speak at a memorial meeting for Rabin.

 

I am struck, as I was when we first met, how his eyes seem to occupy another time zone deep inside his head.

 

Aramin disappears into the rally hall with its ship-in-the-night brightness.  His story in The New York Times flew at me like shrapnel. Actually, it was his daughter’s story. Abir Aramin, age ten, had been killed in Anata by an Israeli rubber bullet aimed at rioters whose path she’d crossed. Her father, a member of Combatants For Peace, a pro-peace dialogue group consisting of Israeli and Palestinian combat vets, was quoted as saying, "I want my daughter to be  the last victim. There are partners on the other side who believe what I believe."

 

That was January 2006. I felt, beneath a tired rawness, something that  mysteriously resembled joy. The conflict lacked its Holy Fool for peace.  Here was the perfect candidate. A man able to defy the Palestinian’s historic motif of suffering and resistance while fully embodying it. Defying it with his notion of Israeli inclusion. A man in peril. Mainly, I realized, of being put on a pedestal. By people like myself. A writer on Palestinian nonviolent activists, I had to refrain from drowning Aramin in a syrupy vat of awe.

 

I had written about the bearlike Mubarak Awad, the Palestinian Gandhi of the first Intifada. His heroic stature was easily navigated, as he enjoyed laughing at his sprint through Palestinian-Israeli history in the late-eighties, when he turned his expulsion trial into a theatre of the absurd by threatening, if expelled, to convert to Judaism and return to Israel under the Law of Return.

 

I imagined Aramin with a highly sophisticated allergy to journalists. He was, after all, a living martyr with a living wound. A man in obvious dread of dead questions.

 

I emailed him before leaving for Jerusalem. He responded immediately: contact me when you arrive.

 

Our first encounter was at the Ambassador Hotel. The Ambassador stands in dignified solitude on a hill off Nablus Road in East Jerusalem. He was sitting with Osama Abu Karsh, like himself, a former Fatah fighter and prisoner, and now also a member of Combatants For Peace.

 

"He was my boss in jail," Abu Karsh laughed. Aramin, a Fatah leader in jail, did not laugh. He refuses to be absorbed into any idealistic notion people may have of him.

My first impression, a contradiction: quiet as a monk, but cradling his cell phone, the way a Tibetan Buddhist lama cradles his mala. Not speaking, but waiting to be spoken to.When he did finally talk to me, his voice barely reached me across the table. It is a voice meant to be heard in small rooms, not in a hotel lobby conference space.

 

For Aramin, jail was a place of transition, not role-perpetuation. It was in jail that he first began to question the wisdom of armed struggle.

 

"I heard people on both sides saying the conflict can’t be solved by military means. But still we saw the conflict going on, with the same bloodshed, the same  killings. Everyone knows what the final solution will be: the ’67 borders. Why does anyone have to die?"

 

His simplicity surprised me. Or the nature of it. Washed of cynicism. Sharp edges broken off. Grief, the midwife of benign clarity.

 

He kept coming back, with weary tenacity, to the conflict’s absurdity. "Israel has hundreds of checkpoints on the West Bank. Their purpose is to create more security, but all they do is create more enemies. The soldiers look at us as suspects. We look at them as victims."

 

I look at Aramin as he steps back out into the night. He is slender, his white shirt, caught in the moonlight, is very white. He walks with a polio limp that makes me feel guilty for pressuring him to do a second interview  I could tell he was not in the mood for.  Aramin continues where he left off, as if the spot is bookmarked in his mind.

 

"The Israelis too are being occupied. By the darkness of the occupation, by its immorality. We need their help. We need them to take action against the checkpoints, against the occupation. I believe in nonviolent change. But we Palestinians can’t do it alone."

 

We sit together on a cold bench in the parking lot. A question keeps wanting to be asked. My question of questions. Stalled by a twinge of reticence.

 

"After what happened to Abir, did you re-think, even for a moment, your decision to dialogue with Israelis?"

 

Aramin leans towards me. His eyes demand that I listen. He looks the way I imagine a Palestinian militant looking when he is about to drum into a stranger’s head the blunt logic of armed struggle.

 

"My determination to make peace with Israel became stronger after Abir was killed. I know that goes against human nature, but that’s what happened."

 

He challenges me with his eyes to challenge him.

 

"It would be easy for me to go out and take revenge. Not hard at all. But I would be losing my humanity. I would be part of the same circle of violence I am against."

 

He says he has something to show me.

 

"Look," he says.

 

He takes out a Raggedy Ann carrying bag. He removes a couple of biscuits in cellophane, two and a half shekels in plastic, and a stick of Cadbury chocolate. I have to force myself to look. Tiny artifacts of the conflict that engorge its meaning. He shows them wherever he is invited to speak.

 

Aramin’s ghostly minimalism. Abir’s absent presence. Minimalists are my weakness. Even those wanting to fib themselves free of me and the questions I ask.

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  • Ofer

    I think he is out of touch if he thinks most Israelis will aggree to 67 borders. After the disasters of Oslo, the Lebanese withdrawal and the Gaza withdrawal, there is very little support left for "land for peace".

  • Moshe Feiglin

    The thirteenth of September passed uneventfully in Israel. It was supposed to have been a national holiday – the anniversary of the signing of the Oslo Accords.

    The Left prefers to sweep the September 13th ‘peace holiday’ under the carpet. The date does not trigger many associations with peace, but it does conjure up painful images of exploding buses, guards at the entrance to every caf, separation barriers, Israel’s lost power of deterrence and its low international standing. The bottom line is that the 13th of September is the date on which Israel surrendered the justice of its existence, gave up its struggle against the largest terror organization in the world and started the countdown to the loss of the fragile Jewish sovereignty that had been established in Israel after 2000 years of exile.

    Today – 15 years after Oslo and three years after the destruction of Gush Katif, 99% of Israel’s citizens understand that the Oslo path leads to destruction. There is no need to explain or convince. Even the great leftist pundits admit that the Expulsion was a mistake. No need to worry – they won’t apologize. Not only that, but they will jump at the first opportunity to repeat the mistake. After all, self-destruction is an uncontrollable disease. But in the meantime, they admit that it was a mistake.

    This presents us with an obvious question. Why is it that the political parties that warned against the danger of Oslo and the Expulsion – the National Union and other Orange parties – continue to sink in the polls? They were right and everybody knows it. Shouldn’t that bring them more votes?

    Of course they were right. But they have no plan to lead Israel. There are only three buses at the Israel National Bus Station; the Kadimah bus, the Labor bus and the Likud bus. The National Union has some billboards there, but it does not have a bus. There are also some private taxis at the station for sectoral passengers; the Shas taxi, the Arab taxi and even the Pensioners taxi. But there are only three buses open to everyone. The Israelis don’t quite differentiate between the buses. They all drive on the Oslo highway and the only visible difference between them is in the names of their drivers.

    After the major Zo Artzeinu demonstrations fifteen years ago, I understood that it is not enough to say, "I told you so." It is imperative to provide Israel with a different destination. The bus for the Jewish majority already exists. It is called the Likud. The Likud bus needs to offer its passengers a new, Jewish destination and a new driver to get it there.

    The entire bus establishment has joined forces to throw me out of the bus. They are scared to death. Suddenly, the Jewish majority has created an alternative to Oslo. If I am elected, the pack of lies upon which the ‘peace elite’ has built its power for the last fifteen years is in danger of collapse. The inverted pyramid built by the ‘enlightened’ minority at the expense of the peace-drugged Jewish majority just may turn over and come to rest on its broad Jewish base. So the elites are doing their best to scare the public away from me. Even my name has turned into a type of epithet. My supporters are called "Feiglinites". If the elites turn me into a monster, they do not have to seriously debate my policies.

    The good news is that the bus passengers have gotten the picture. "According to polls," Ayalah Chasson reported on the Politika television show last week, "Feiglin will be elected to one of the top five slots in the Likud, and he may even get a few more Feiglinites onto the list."

    I firmly believe in the renewed Jewish sovereignty in the Land of Israel. I firmly believe that in the end, we will triumph. The Nation of Israel has begun to wake up. It has no other choice

  • Anonymous

    Damn after all this and you still didn’t manage to suck his dick ………….. How do you feel about that? I’ll bet you’re done with extolling the virtues of his white shirt huh? You’re so self apologetic it’s actually sickening. Face it chief -you’re a Jew theres no getting around it .So take your big nose out of this guys ass and show some self respect.

  • rbarenblat

    I wanted to meet Bassam while I was in Jerusalem this summer, but didn’t manage to do so. Thanks for this essay, Robert. I’ll be posting about it over at Velveteen Rabbi, in hopes of sending some more readers this way.

     

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