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Israel, Injustice, and Philip Glass’s Call to Arms |
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| Why Satyagraha, the new opera about Gandhi in South Africa, made me both proud and ashamed to be Jewish | ||
by Jay Michaelson, May 1, 2008 |
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Asking the big questions: The ad campaign for Satyagraha It's become a cliché to search for Jewish influences or
themes in works by Jewish artist.
Generally the effort is one of overzealous interpretation, if not
projection. Consider the
following, then, not a reading of Philip Glass's Jewish opera Satyagraha, but a Jewish reading of Philip Glass's opera Satyagraha—a work which evokes both the pride and anxiety
of contemporary Jewishness.
The pride came not from "one of our boys done
good," although such a sentiment might be excused in this case. When Satyagraha was written in 1979, Glass was still an up-and-comer;
he'd only recently made it big, was only a few years away from having been a
starving artist, and was still regarded, by many, as part of the avant
garde. No longer -- for better or
for worse. Satyagraha opened at
the Met April 11 after a bombastic ad campaign. “Could an opera put virtue back on its feet?” asked posters
around New York City. “Could an
opera make us stand up for the truth?”
These questions are as yet unanswered, but the New York
Times did call
Satyagraha “a work of nobility,
seriousness, even purity.” Glass
is probably the most widely-heard composer active today, and while some of his
later works have begun to seem rather derivative, the Met’s enormous
production, brilliantly [re]conceived by Phelim McDermott with sets by Julian
Crouch, shines. It reminds us why
we loved Glass in the first place: the repetitions are haunting, not tedious;
the melodic and conceptual reaches soaring, not pretentious.
Satyagraha tells, in non-linear and largely non-verbal fashion, the story of Gandhi’s struggles on behalf of South Africa’s Indian population. During the course of this twenty-year fight for civil rights, he developed the philosophy and political tactics he would eventually use to liberate India from British colonialism. These tactics went on to inspire Martin Luther King, Nelson Mandela, and other liberators around the world. But in this period, they were still a work in progress, paid for in risk and blood.
Satyagraha juxtaposes
symbolic stagings of key episodes in Gandhi's struggle with Sanskrit quotations
from the Bhagavad Gita, among the most sacred texts of Hinduism. While to some this may seem an obvious
choice, it is actually a curious one, as much of the Gita is about why its
hero, Arjuna, must go to battle.
It's hardly a nonviolent text.
Puppets for peace: The British staging of the opera
Yet it is a text, perhaps above all, about knowing and
fulfilling one's holy mission, of virtue in the face of adversity, of duty and
moral responsibility. This is why Satyagraha
appealed to me as "Jewish": not
because of its composer's ethnicity, but because it captures the power of
sacred text to inspire sacred action.
Gandhi was, after all, a holy man. In his later life he was an ascetic, fasting regularly and
relinquishing all possessions.
Like Dr. King, he regularly used not only religious language but
religious spirit to motivate and comprehend his work—and to stir up his
audience. Satyagraha is an opera about the power of spirit and word to require
us to be our best selves -- which is also what Judaism does at its best.
It is a message we need to hear today. Just as Satyagraha's provocative marketing campaign asked us if an
opera could inspire us to stand up for truth, we need to ask whether the Torah
can inspire us to take a stand for justice, economic fairness, equality, human
rights, and peace? Can it move us
to oppose appalling injustices in Tibet, Darfur, and around the world?
The questions are not entirely rhetorical. There are those today who think
religion is at best a superstition, at worst a force for ill, and should be
kept entirely separate from any notion of political engagement. There are others who think that the
Jewish religion is mainly about aggrandizing and protecting the Jews. Those of us who disagree, who believe
that our Jewishness compels us to fight torture, unnecessary war, environmental
irresponsibility, and economic oppression by our own elected officials, may be
inspired by Satyagraha even if we don't
speak a word of Sanskrit.
(Indeed, since few audience members do, the opera inspires
by musical and visual gestures, like the sight of a hundred lanterns being
lifted in protest, or remarkable outsized puppets symbolizing collective action
against greed.)
At the same time as Satyagraha evoked this pride in the possibilities of a prophetic
tradition, it evoked in me a feeling of shame. It's impossible to watch hordes of second-class citizens
standing up for their rights against an occupying regime and not think of
Israel and Palestine. To be sure,
the opera never draws that connection -- it is explicit in linking Gandhi and
King, and some of the new production's imagery suggests Abu Ghraib and
Guantanamo, but nowhere does it reference the Israel/Arab conflict. Yet to my eyes and ears, the parallels
were unavoidable.
Behind the scenes: Set elements backstage (photo via the New York Times)
This is not because the Palestinians are in the same
position as the Indians (or black Africans) in South Africa, or that Israel is
a colonial power. They are
not. But the contours of popular
struggle against a better-armed adversary are unmistakable.
Let us grant that there may be many differences. Yasser Arafat never was Mahatma Gandhi,
or Nelson Mandela for that matter.
The Palestinians were not a nation in the same way as India or Tibet
is. And of course, Israel's safety
is at stake in a way that Britain's and China's never have been, and violent,
rejectionist Palestinian factions enjoy considerable power. Let us grant all of
these distinctions. There are still the brute facts of checkpoints, separation
barriers, closures, and settlements. There are still the day-to-day realities
of people living under occupation.
If we grant all these differences, we may well end up with a
political program not so different from that of the current Israeli government. Yet at the very least, the brute facts
demand that such a program be pursued ambivalently, even regretfully—not
with the sort of reflexive, defensive cheerleading one finds in many Jewish
quarters today. If indeed these
policies are necessary, then our own support of them must be tinged with the
awareness that every day, they place the Jewish state on the wrong side of
justice. Perhaps these
"costs" are justified by a higher good—but let's not pretend
that they don't exist.
This was the ambivalence I felt watching Satyagraha, the title of which means
"truth-force." One of
the blessings and curses of Separation-Wall Israel is that the Palestinian
crisis is more invisible than ever to visitors. We can stay at the Dan Pearl,
visit holy sites, and once again promenade down pedestrian malls with
comparatively little fear of violence. But if we take our sacred texts as
seriously as Gandhi did, they must remind us of the costs of our freedom -- in
this case, costs borne largely by people who do not enjoy the benefits.
Hopefully I have been clear that neither I nor Satyagraha
advocate a particular policy position. But
in reminding me the beauty of religious consciousness, Satyagraha also reminded me of the responsibility it
demands.
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Jay Michaelson is a columnist for the Forward and visiting professor of law at Boston University Law School. More... |
Ismail
"If we grant all these
"If we grant all these differences, we may well end up with a political program not so different from that of the current Israeli government. Yet at the very least, the brute facts demand that such a program be pursued ambivalently, even regretfully—not with the sort of reflexive, defensive cheerleading one finds in many Jewish quarters today. If indeed these policies are necessary, then our own support of them must be tinged with the awareness that every day, they place the Jewish state on the wrong side of justice. Perhaps these "costs" are justified by a higher good—but let's not pretend that they don't exist."
Is this passage supposed to represent something about the distance of progressive opinion about Israel's practices in the Middle East from that of less mindful folks? On the one hand, we have feral settlers cheering the death during childbirth of a Palestinian woman held at a checkpoint at the whim of a teenage IDF kid. On the other, we have thoughtful and agonized guys like the author witnessing that death with regret, swollen with humanity, mindful of the impenetrable paradoxes life presents us. Note that the number of occupants in the hearse remains the same in both cases.
I have no doubt that Mr. Michaelson is a sterling fellow and that his concerns are heartfelt and genuine. It's the fetishizing of one's internal states when dealing with matters that are basically political that bothers me. An apartheid wall (yeah, it is) tolerated by bigots is precisely the same height and density as one tolerated by soulful and enlightened guys like Mr. Michaelson.
I don't know if it's a legacy of the 20th century's psychological turn or of 1960's narcissism, but the idea that our musings and ambivalences ought somehow to enjoy priority over our behavior has really acquired tons more legitimacy than it deserves. Because this attitude suggests that self-examination may relieve one of the obligation to commit, it can tend to prolong the outrageous.
Furthermore, in just the way that Bill Clinton's illusory allegiance with the downtrodden allowed him to get away with putting into place a political program (NAFTA, welfare reform, aggressions against Sudan and Iraq) that Reagan could only dream of, so too can superficial paeans to the complexity of life give cover to all sorts of mischief (e.g., the proliferation of "facts on the ground" while the good-hearted earnestly confessed their regrets at the unutterable complications of Mideast policy).
I know it's become fashionable in some quarters to throw up one's hands at the intricacies of the Palestine/Israel dilemma. But the problem remains a political, not psychological, one. One party has the preponderance of justice on its side, one doesn't. The struggle needs to be external.
Mr Michaelson cites an ad campaign which asks, "Could an opera make us stand up for the truth?", and claims the question remains unanswered. Well, given that Phillip Glass operas are typically attended by those most responsive to the apotheosis of the personal (with its complementary withdrawal from engagement) that Mr. Michaelson champions, and given that the thirty years since Satyagraha's premiere have not been notable for our engagement in the service of justice, I think the answer's pretty clear.
Hadassah
Thank you Jay
It’s a pretty good feeling to have all the answers Ismail, isn’t it? I say hurrah to Mr. Michaelson for acknowledging our responsibility to be champions for a better world for all humans even than we don’t have all the answers. I see a call for not allowing ambivalence to produce passivity.
Susan
a disappointment
Like Ismail, I, too, found Mr. Michaelson's conclusions at the end of his opera review a bit disconcerting. It is not enough to be uncomfortable at a government policy which restricts the movements of a people, expands illegal settlements on land not its own, and makes accessing electricty, water, health care, and even employment more and more diffictult. Arguments which allow mistreatment of others for the greater good can lead and do lead to the justification of torture and other human rights violations. That is a road which we, as ethical and moral people, should not be willing to travel. Where is our Jewish Mandela, our peacemakers? Do we not have people with vision who are willing to work for peace, justice, and security for all those who see the land of Israel and Palestine as their home??
Anonymous
I'm curious
As a non-Jew, I'm curious about the inter-generational family dynamics at Jewish family functions. I get the feeling that energetic supporters of Bill Kristol are better received than their (would be) peace activist cousins.
It's probably difficult to stand up for peace without family support, and parents and grandparents are still experiencing the side effects of surviving the survivors.
At least I hope it is a generational thing, like I hope the influence of race obsessed white men will fade from American politics.
So Jay, can you offer us any introspective analysis to explain your conclusion? What inhibits you from being a peace activist? Thanks for the review.
RW
Satyagraha takes two
Satyagraha takes two sides - a protagonist to undertake it, and an antagonist capable of shame, introspection, and with the capacity to relent. Ghandi's satyagraha worked because the British satisfied the latter requirement. A pan-European satyagraha against Hitler, for example, would not work. A cynic might even argue that a modern Arab satyagraha against the Israelis would work (it's about the only thing that hasn't been tried), but one also suspects that an Israeli satyagraha against her Arab neighbors would be, shall we say, somewhat less successful. Satyagraha allows for stirring moral victories, but they're not as appealing when the power being resisted against will unhesitatingly wipe out all the satyagrahis in question. Ghandi's own answer on the applicability of satyagraha to European Jewry during the second world war was far from satisfactory.
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