The Two Best and One Worst Op-Eds of the Week |
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by Daniel Koffler, March 28, 2008 |
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The Good:
Writing for National Journal, Jonathan Rauch plays psychiatrist to himself, trying to analyze what's preventing him from developing this crush on Obama he's heard so much about:
[I]t's these doubts, this hesitation. About Obama. A man I respect. Admire. I want to fall for him, love him as so many others do. But ... I can't. I try, but I can't.
Ah. This is not so uncommon. Obama Resistance Complex. You have Barack blockage. You are afraid to love, to commit.
No, no. Some of my conservative friends think that Obamamania is a messianic cult. I don't. I understand the enthusiasm. I can't remember when I've seen a politician with as much promise. He is eloquent, charismatic, cool under fire. He's the best kind of intellectual: super-smart but not patronizing. He has taken political risks to show moral leadership. Who else would have stood at Martin Luther King's pulpit and condemned homophobia and anti-Semitism in the black community?
And wouldn't it be something to have a black president! Think of the bloody chapters in American history a President Obama could close. I want to believe. I go home, shut my eyes, and say, "Yes I can!"
But I can't.
Take a breath. Here, blow your nose. Now, try to tell me why you think you have these issues. Let it out.
In the Wall Street Journal, Peggy Noonan explains how Hillary Clinton's ridiculous fabrications of a Rambo-run through Bosnia, and even more embarrassing excuse for her prevarications (she blamed an 8-year-old girl for forcing her to keep her head up amid the threat of sniper fire), are fitting synecdoches of her campaign's schizophrenia:
What, really, is Mrs. Clinton doing? She is having the worst case of cognitive dissonance in the history of modern politics. She cannot come up with a credible, realistic path to the nomination. She can't trace the line from "this moment's difficulties" to "my triumphant end." But she cannot admit to herself that she can lose. Because Clintons don't lose. She can't figure out how to win, and she can't accept the idea of not winning. She cannot accept that this nobody from nowhere could have beaten her, quietly and silently, every day. (She cannot accept that she still doesn't know how he did it!)
She is concussed. But she is a scrapper, a fighter, and she's doing what she knows how to do: scrap and fight. Only harder. So that she ups the ante every day. She helped Ireland achieve peace. She tried to stop Nafta. She's been a leader for 35 years. She landed in Bosnia under siege and bravely dodged bullets. It was as if she'd watched the movie "Wag the Dog," with its fake footage of a terrified refugee woman running frantically from mortar fire, and found it not a cautionary tale about manipulation and politics, but an inspiration.
The Bad:
Disgraced ex-Justice Department lawyer and unindicted war criminal John Yoo --- the brains behind the administration's operative constitutional theory according to which the president is an elected dictator above all laws and unaccountable to any branch of government, who engineered the administration's violations of the Geneva conventions and provided the legal framework for a wide ranging policy of torture and secret indefinite interrogation, who defends the proposition that the president has the inalienable right to crush the testicles of an innocent child if he deems it necessary for "national security" --- takes to the Wall Street Journal to hector the Democrats for violating the democratic principles of the Constitution by... involving superdelegates in their presidential nomination.
According to Yoo:
[The framers of the Constitution] believed that letting Congress choose the president was a dreadful idea. Without direct election by the people, the Framers said that the executive would lose its independence and vigor and become a mere servant of the legislature.
How much idiocy is it possible to pack into two sentences? Yoo seems determined to find out. The Framers never provided for direct popular election of the president. At the Constitutional Convention, direct election of the president was proposed twice. It was defeated both times. The Framers were so enthusiastic about direct popular votes that they created an upper congressional chamber, the Senate, whose members were appointed by state legislatures. Senators were not elected until the passage of the 17th Amendment in 1913. Today, the president is still not elected directly. State popular votes determine which slate of electors will be sent to the electoral college. Those electors are technically free to vote for whomever they choose. And the national popular vote winner doesn't automatically become president; otherwise the country would have been spared the constitutional wisdom of John Yoo.
On the other hand, the Framers were so worried about depriving the executive branch of its independence and making it subservient to Congress that they gave Congress primacy in the Constitution as well as the power to override presidential vetoes and impeach and remove the president from office.
And there you have it. The Bush administration selects only the best and brightest legal scholars (who believe that Article II of the Constitution grants the president the inherent authority to crush innocent children's testicles).
naftali
And you can decide how partisan you wish to be. But the price of that is that you aren't believed by most reading your stuff--unless you want to preach to the choir. And you can make a nice living doing that.
But I followed the links on your summary of the bad, and you just can't draw those conclusions from the Q&A with John Yoo. The question was what was written in the treaty--asked in a yes or no fashion. The testicles example was brought up in a hostile way by the questioner, and Yoo just pretty much ignored that part of the question. There are regulations regarding intensive questioning, and no, the US can't go around crushing testicles. If the regulations aren't as specific as you would like, that is the job of Congress to correct that.
It was a murky Q&A, and it isn't clear (linguistically, and dude, step away from that way of analysis) whether Yoo is referring to the president's right to determine harsher interrogation methods (very general) from the very specific testicle crushing (which Yoo probably ignored, and for good reason).
There is a very legitimate question as to whether the Geneva conventions even apply in this war. A re-examination of the nature of warfare is needed, from the ground up. The conventions definitely applied in WWII and Korea, less so in Vietnam, and maybe not at all in Iraq. It's possible to draw that conclusion.
The claims that Andrew Sullivan makes have to be checked very carefully. And that doesn't count three people just repeating what Sullivan says. I would not recommend going down Sullivan's path.
But, it's your choice.
Daniel Koffler
Cassel: If the president deems that he's got to torture somebody, including by crushing the testicles of the person's child, there is no law that can stop him?
Yoo: No treaty
Cassel: Also no law by Congress -- that is what you wrote in the August 2002 memo...
Yoo: I think it depends on why the President thinks he needs to do that.
No, Yoo is specifically responsive. He believes that if the president is acting under his Commander in Chief authority --- an it is up to the president to decide the scope of Commander in Chief authority --- there is literally nothing he doesn't have the right to do, including torture children.
"it depends on why the president thinks he needs to do that"
Conceivably, if the president gave as his reason a desire to torture a child, Yoo would agree that's illegitimate. But the president's reason is entirely his to declare. As long as he says "national security," Yoo believes, the only limitation on his power is re-election/term limits.
naftali
First, it would be nice to have a transcript of the five minutes before that exchange, but Yoo's answer is "No Treaty". It appears he is responding to some question about a treaty, about regulations regarding interrogation, some document. He doesn't answer the question directly.
If he is responding to the latter clause, about a law, there is the possibility that there isn't a specific law relating to Cassel's question. In other words, is Cassel asking about a specific law that covers kid's testicles? Then Yoo's answer should be no--because laws are usually written in the kind of legalese that lawyers think is specific but everyone else views as completely incomprehensible, and oddly enough, requires more lawyers to interpret it. Or, is Cassell just grandstanding, as if a member of Congress would do that, trying to get his name in the paper or footage of himself on television?
It's a pretty bad question, just vague enough to have no meaning, specific enough to be inflammatory. The question is whether Yoo took Cassell's grandstanding seriously, or did he just brush it aside as more Congressional theatre. I suspect he brushed it aside.
Then Cassell appears to change subjects, moving away from testicles (and you see how farcical this all is), to a congressional law pertaining to the president's powers in authorizing interrogation techniques or (and this is a big OR) is Cassell asking Yoo to reiterate what he said in a previous memo? It appears as though Yoo is saying that there is an area in the law that is vague, or that there is no law, and that the president has discretion depending upon the circumstances. Is this his present opinion, or is this what he wrote in 2002? There is no way to tell.
I don't know the law, if there is a law, but given the way that we are looking at the same quotes and differing on interpretation, is seems plausible that two people can look at a law or lack of a law and have different interpretations. That's why there are courts, that's why there is congress.
But this isn't a new debate, the courts and congress have been, since John Marshall, trying to define the limits and authorizations of each branch of government. And this is a time of war, like it or not. You may argue that Congress didn't declare this war, but they certainly keep authorizing funding for it. So this factors into law in some form or fashion.
Cassell's questions were trap questions--as if a member of Congress would do that. It is not at all clear how Yoo interpreted these two questions, or even clear which part of these two clause questions he was responing to.
Man, it's Congress. The only thing missing is Mack Sennett.